A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, August 30, 2019

LEGAL OSCILLATION


Of late, this blog has been looking at the role corporations play as entities within a federal arrangement.  Yes, corporations, especially those that are listed as public, do take on a federal structure.  That is, they are owned by a group of investors who buy shares in that corporation.  While not every shareholder in relation to that corporation is equal, each share is and within certain regulations,[1] each person is free to buy as many shares as he/she wants and can afford to buy; only limited by the number of shares issued by the corporation.
          But as entities, corporations, due to their ability to accumulate inordinate amounts of capital – investment dollars – and other assets, they can command relatively high levels of influence within a nation’s political landscape.  One can argue that that is what constitutes what people generally mean by the political swamp characterizing the nation’s – and the individual state’s – capital.  There, the competing players go after zero-sum prizes.  That’s what happens when one lives in an environment with limited resources; i.e., this type of arena is ubiquitous.
          The last three postings look at the natural result of such a situation.  They address the question:  what, if any, are the responsibilities of corporations in a federated environment – such as that of the US?  The last posting left the reader with somewhat of a question.  In running a business, one dependent on shareholder investments, should that business be about doing – and spending to do – socially beneficial activities at the expense of shareholder dividends?  There is a debate over this question.
          The firm natural rights view is that they should not.  Shareholders are well able to make up their own minds as to what socially beneficial efforts they want to support.  They do not need corporations to make such contributions in their names.  On the other hand, defending the position that corporations should make such contributions are those that argue that by doing so, they bolster the image of a corporation and, in turn, up their esteem in the eyes of their consumers – their buyers – and that translates in higher sales, higher revenues, and higher profits.
          But in a way, this question steers the debate away from what this blog is really asking.  However, regardless of how one feels about corporations making contributions for public, social efforts, the real question posed here is:  should the interests of a corporation go contrary to the interests of the general or the common good?  And that decision can affect any public spending a corporation does.
          For example, a drug company that knowingly promotes an addictive drug – say an opioid – that results in scores of people addicted and dysfunctional – no amount of charity giving – probably done to offset negative publicity their business decisions cause – will change their anti-federal standing.  In such a case, that corporation is generally placing self-interest above the common interest.
          To be a proper federated partner, in other words, an entity – be it a corporation, a person, or some other body of actors – needs to, at least, not align its interests as being contrary or antagonistic to the general welfare of the commonwealth.  And within this context, what the American Bar Association (ABA) deems is a fiduciary duty, the obligation of corporate management and board of directors have toward shareholders as being atop all others, is anti-federal.
          Take the drug companies that made billions of dollars producing, promoting, distributing, and selling opioids to pain-suffering patients.  The decisions that led to such a policy and allowed such behavior was in the financial interests of their shareholders; but was it a way for a federated partner to act?  One can say, yes, it is, as long as the corporation obeys the law.  Really?  If the goal is to protect the commonwealth, such an expectation falls woefully short.
          To date, there have not been any prosecutorial action against these companies.  Apparently, they did not break any laws.  But one might add, they are subject to civil or negligent tort action.  In that realm there has been highly publicized court action that is proving to be highly expensive to, at least, some of these companies.  The highly esteemed company, Johnson and Johnson, was just hit with a court directed award against it for nearly $600 million in just one state, Oklahoma.[2]
          A day or two later, after the Johnson and Johnson decision was announced, another drug company heavily involved in the opioid drug market, Purdue Pharma, offered to settle all its pending legal liabilities for $10 to $12 billion dollars.[3]  In both instances, one can say, “all well and good,” but at what cost to the federation?  These parties did not come to these reckonings till untold damage had befallen whole regions of the country – particularly the Appalachian region, – the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people, and the ruination of millions of lives.
          This fiduciary view can be explained by what ABA states it is:
[T]hat as fiduciaries, corporate directors owe the corporation and its shareholders fiduciary duties of diligence and fidelity in performing their corporate duties.  These fiduciary obligations include the duty of care and the duty of loyalty … the duty of care consists of an obligation to act on an informed basis; the duty of loyalty requires the board and its directors to maintain, in good faith, the corporation’s and shareholders’ best interests over anyone else’s interests.[4]
To these untrained eyes – at least, in terms of legal language – this sounds fuzzy and subject to wide interpretations.  But this writer cannot see why the above statement could not, at least, add “within the parameters of criminal law” and “under the auspices of what reasonably can be construed to be the common good of the communities in which they operate as well as the states and nation.”
          But for the development of this main concept, some legal scholars fall back to what one sees in tort law, a concern for the “slippery slope.”  That is, according to Steven Bainbridge, for example, if corporate leadership were free to spend money on or otherwise support non-profit-maximizing activities, how does one impose any accountability in relation to those activities.  Bainbridge cites eBay Domestic Holdings, Inc. v. Newmark (2010)[5] decision to back up this concern, although this case has a mixed precedent.
          But this position is opposed by others.  One such criticism is offered by Lynn Stout.  Citing the Hobby Lobby case (mentioned in a previous posting[6]), she argues that that previous case allows one to consider what generally can be described as ethical rules, policies that do not damage the environment, and that do not harm employees, etc.  And that should include not doing medical harm to patients rending them dysfunctional in meeting federalist obligations.
          There seems to be oscillating opinions from the courts.  This blog chooses to describe that oscillation as between a natural rights position and a federal position.  In a time when natural rights view holds the upper hand, in terms of cultural beliefs and political biases, one can expect that that bias would more often be reflected in court decisions. 
This blog hopes the oscillation shifts and remains with a federalist bias.  Its whole train of argument points in that direction.  It does not see this argument as one of indoctrination to a foreign mode of thinking, but to reestablishing its original view – albeit updated – to better maintain and bolster the assumed beliefs of its founding agreement – i.e., the US Constitution.  And that, at its core, is to maintain and bolster a federated union.


[1] Generally, corporations determine the number of shares its policymakers decide to make available.

[2] Katie Thomas and Tiffany Hsu, “Johnson and Johnson’s Brand Falters over Its Role in Opioid Crisis,” The New York Times, August 7, 2019, accessed August 29, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/27/health/johnson-and-johnson-opioids-oklahoma.html .

[3] Laura Strickler, “Purdue Pharma Offers to Settle Opioid Claims for $10 to $12 Billion,” CNBC, August 12, 2019, accessed August 29, 2019, https://www.cnbc.com/2019/08/27/purdue-pharma-offers-10-12-billion-to-settle-opioid-claims.html .

[4] “Business Ethics:  Corporate Law and Corporate Responsibility,” BC Campus, n. d., accessed August 19, 2019, https://opentextbc.ca/businessethicsopenstax/chapter/corporate-law-and-corporate-responsibility/ .  Most of the information of this posting is derived from this source.

[5] This convoluted and complex case does demonstrate how difficult corporate life can get when mixing profit motives with cultural ambitions.  eBay filed suit against craigslist for eBay’s attempt to steer that corporation away from its pro-social culture the founders of craigslist initiated.  Through various structural maneuvers, craigslist attempted to maintain its original corporate culture, but at the expense of its shareholder’s, eBay, financial returns.  Therefore, eBay sued based on the fiduciary duty craigslist had in relation to eBay.  eBay won on two of its claims and lost on another (the one relating to its legal fees).  This case, in sum, was decided to bolster the pro-fiduciary duty role directors and board members are expected to maintain.

[6] Robert Gutierrez, “Corporations As Good Citizens,” August 20, 2019, https://gravitascivics.blogspot.com/2019/08/corporations-as-good-citizens.html AND “Business Ethics:  Corporate Law and Corporate Responsibility,” BC Campus.

Tuesday, August 27, 2019

PROFITS OR MINDING ONE’S OWN BUSINESS


The last two postings of this blog addressed the role corporations play or should play within a federated arrangement.  Corporations themselves, in terms of structure, do adopt a federalist form.  They provide the opportunity for regular folks to attain a vested interest in the welfare of publicly traded corporations by offering their stock.  Stocks represent part ownership of some of the world’s richest and largest business entities.
          But there is a source of conflict; that is, the conflict between the financial interests of a stockholder versus the responsibilities of that stockholder as a citizen – a partner in the grand partnership under the auspices of its founding agreement, the US Constitution.  As a citizen, federation theory calls on each member to, at minimum, align his/her interests so that they do not oppose the general welfare of the nation.  But, at times (or is it most of the time?), corporations, in their efforts to maximize shareholder profits or dividends, have been accused, with reason, of implementing policies one can judge to be at odds with that general welfare.
          This eventuality has led to a developing set of court cases in which, for a variety of reasons, shareholders have sued corporate management when they deemed corporate policy has “shortchanged” them.  An initial case that set the tone for such cases was Dodge v. Ford Motor Company (1919).  In that case, the court mandated that Henry Ford, the chief executive of the car company bearing his name, cease expenditures that aimed at improving social conditions at the expense of the company’s profits and, in turn, dividends that would go to the shareholders.
          In that precedent-setting case, the shareholders won, and the last posting reviewed the relevant decision by the Michigan Supreme Court.[1]  That posting also provided information concerning subsequent cases (Shlensky v. Wrigley and Burwell v. Hobby Lobby) and how they affected this whole area of the law – “business judgement rule” and its related issues.  
This posting furthers that review by focusing on one of those related issues, corporate social responsibility (CSR).  This more targeted topic narrows one’s attention to the overall concern these postings aim at:  what are the responsibilities of a federated partner, be it a corporation, a person, or any other entity?
And this topic is not limited to federated arrangements.  It has gone global as it is a recurring concern business, political, and other leaders discuss at such meetings as the World Economic Forum Annual Meetings in Davos, Switzerland or forums run by the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford University.[2]
Certain factors have encouraged this more recent interest.  One, nations generally allow limited liability companies (LLCs) to protect the personal assets of individual investors that free them to issue corporate policies that might be questionable in terms of the effect they might have on others.  Two, the amount of political power corporations can accrue due to their financial strength.  And, three, the motivation corporations demonstrate to “behave” in accordance to social needs and wants in order to avoid government regulations.
One review of this corporate concern comments:
Managers are usually accorded significant latitude as long as they can point to a rational interpretation of their actions as benefiting the corporation as a whole in the long term.  The combination of economic and political power in the world’s largest corporations necessitates that executives consider the interests of a broader set of stakeholders, rather than only stockholders.  Indeed, social, environmental, and charitable programs often create shareholder value rather than take away from it.[3]
This writer enjoys watching golf on TV.  As the PGA tour makes its way across the country, conducting its individual events, each of those events is sponsored by some corporate entity.  During the weekend broadcast of these events, a corporate representative is interviewed by the program’s host.  Inevitably, he or she (overwhelmingly a “he”) boasts of how much money the event has generated for local charities.  Surely, this is a public relations ploy, but the funds do have real, beneficial consequences within those communities.
          All of this is considered the “moral minimum” that corporations are expected to fulfill.  And research indicates that this is only the beginning of how such concerns help corporations boost their profits instead of providing obstacles to doing so.  Overall, they bestow what psychologists call a “halo effect” over those businesses.  People, consequently, tend to look at them positively as responsible and good neighbors.  One is more disposed to buy a product from a friendly, good-natured seller and these spots or sponsorships promote that image.
But this overall positive view does not go unchallenged.  And one can detect, among corporate policies, either a rejection of such strategies or deceptively projecting such an image but falling short of its demands.  For example, the corporate world is full of businesses that give token amounts to charities – often collected from others – while paying their workers below a living wage or denying them adequate health insurance.  Why?  To maximize profits by using what many see as short-term strategies.
And before one dismisses these “short-term” policies as merely exercises in greed, one should consider the justifications for it by reputable economists, including the late, Nobel Prize winner, Milton Friedman.  Friedman falls squarely as a natural rights advocate and, through his and others’ work, did much to define how that view has taken on a dominant position in how Americans see and understand governance and politics.
Central to Friedman’s argument in terms of CSR issues is his claim that people should have the option of how they should make contributions to social efforts such as charities.  That should include shareholders who do not buy stocks to make such contributions.  They surely do not need corporate managers making such decisions for them.  A corporation’s responsibility should be limited to following the laws – usually in the form of regulations – and maximizing profits so that the business can do what it is set up to do, make money.
In addition, it is safely in a corporation’s rights and even obligation to the owners of the corporation – its shareholders – to seek and use their legal political influence to minimize those regulations that affect the bottom line.  And these arguments have found a receptive audience since World War II, especially back in the 1970s.  Of course, those are the years leading up to the Reagan era, in which natural rights thinking hit its apogee.
The next posting will ask:  are there responsibilities corporations have toward a federated union and, if so, what are they?  Federation theory, as opposed to natural rights theory, holds that there is a duty among corporations to advance or at least not be in opposition to the common good.  While the term, fiduciary duty, might be too strong a standard, it is one that helps one analyze what the responsibilities of corporations, if any, toward that common good.  The next posting will utilize that concept to delve further into this concern.


[1] Robert Gutierrez, “From Cars to Lights to Hobbies,”  Gravitas:  A Voice for Civics, August 23, 2019, https://gravitascivics.blogspot.com/2019/08/from-cars-to-lights-to-hobbies.html AND “Dodge v. Ford Motor Company,” Case Briefs, n. d., accessed August 26, 2019, https://www.casebriefs.com/blog/law/corporations/corporations-keyed-to-klein/the-nature-of-the-corporation/dodge-v-ford-motor-co/ .

[2] “Business Ethics:  Corporate Law and Corporate Responsibility,” BC Campus, n. d., accessed August 19, 2019, https://opentextbc.ca/businessethicsopenstax/chapter/corporate-law-and-corporate-responsibility/ .

[3] Ibid.