A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, May 26, 2017

EARLY AMERICAN VERSION OF FEDERALISM

To understand what this blog is promoting, it is necessary to review relevant historical information.  This blog is arguing that civics teachers and curricular developers should use a mental construct, federation theory, in their choice of content.  This theory has a rich history in America.
To this point, past postings have pointed out that this construct is related to civic humanism and that it was central to the thinking of the founding generation, and finally, how through the years, it has been challenged mostly by a shift toward natural rights thinking.  But what exactly is it and how is it related to civic humanism?  With this posting, these questions will begin to be answered. 
To be clear, this blog is not geared to promote an earlier form of federalism, which will be called traditional federalism, but by reviewing it and its tenets, one can appreciate what basic moral posture federalist thought is.  That construct was essential in forming our republic.  Therefore, a person cannot understand this nation’s constitution without having a working knowledge of this set of beliefs. 
According to Elazar, there are federalist ideas and structures that have had essential influences on not only current political realities, in terms of government, but also in terms of economic institutions.[1]  And traditional federalism is the source of civic ideas and ideals that are functional in promoting social capital. 
But it has its shortcomings which are due mostly to its age.  Traditional federalism, in its totality, is of another time, but it is not irrelevant.  In its time, it was an antithesis to aristocratic and monarchical privilege and some of its attributes might sound like what the advocates of Locke were seeking, but the distinguishing characteristic is its reliance and promotion of communal citizenry.[2]
Essentially, federalism is a construct emphasizing the collective and organic nature of society.  It does this while not sacrificing the integrity of the individual.  It defines society and its government as a social entity that comes about because of a process in which individuals and/or groups consciously form a union based on agreement over fundamental principles and beliefs. 
For those who are familiar with political theory, this view of societal and governmental establishment is one of reflection and choice as opposed to force or accident.  The members of the group formulate this agreement as a mutual promise among the individuals or groups making up the union. 
The agreement has the following qualities:  it is made in perpetuity; it states the purpose(s) of the union; it determines any structural arrangements; it identifies any rights the individuals or groups have under the arrangement; it establishes sanctions that its governing apparatus can administer for infractions against its provisions; and if a covenant, calls on God to witness the promise. 
Our most well-known example of a federated arrangement, not covenant but a compact, is that of the United States.  In that case, the central government was formed by an agreement among both the people of the United States' nation and among the states of the United States.  As such, the US is a complex example.  A much simpler example is a marriage.  In both examples, a member, whether an individual or a group, is equal to all other members, be it a spouse or a nation full of people and/or states. 
By definition, federated arrangements strive to secure equality.  Along with equal treatment, each member has a set of responsibilities and duties so that the union can progress toward accomplishing its purposes.  One way to see this union is to consider it as a partnership among its members whose interests are mutually advanced, at least, in the long run.
Federalism has a long history in the US.  It arrived with the Puritans who landed on the shore along Massachusetts Bay.  They adopted the old Judaic tradition of covenants which had been used to bind people together.  But even before the Puritans, the Mayflower Compact, drawn up by Pilgrims, was a covenant.[3] 
The idea is that, unlike a contract, people from time to time need to rely on others in such a way that that reliance will not waiver through challenging times.  It is not an agreement in which one party provides something in exchange for something else from another party, as in a dollar for a bag of peanuts.  It does, instead, define a relationship in which all members' interests are bound together. 
That would be the case under a government (or a marriage).  A government is formed so that a people can be afforded mutual protection and for other purposes.  A people needs to rely on this institution no matter what might happen.  By using a covenant, the Puritans established a government based on federalist principles – the term federalism has its origins in the meaning of covenant as will be further explained in a subsequent posting (along with what a compact is). 
This historical occurrence began a theoretical tradition that would have enormous influence on the nation's foundational philosophy.[4]  Its most immediate influence was in formulating our foundational documents such as subsequent constitutions and charters which were written during the colonial days and in all the original thirteen colonies and then states.  All the subsequent state constitutions follow the federalist format outlined above.
While the construct served as the dominant view of government and politics, its reign suffered from a continuous diminution.  According to Kramnick, as pointed out in a previous posting, the beginning of its diminution followed the Revolutionary War.[5]  Others place the start of this diminution at other times. Gordon S. Wood writes that federalist ideas held an unchallenged position through the writing of the Constitution by those who led the fight for independence.[6] 
This more traditional, purer rendition of federalism, with an accompanying assumption of homogeneity, had to be surrendered as our politics had to accommodate a pluralistic reality.  The homogeneity of the nation or even of localities within the nation was slipping away within a very short period of time after the establishment of communities became standard practice and the urban areas attracted more people.
As was pointed out in earlier postings as they described the various political subcultures that emerged, America was not of one mind concerning basic biases and beliefs over governance.  Whatever the beginning of its demise, as a study of the American political culture points out, the more moralistic, federalist view of government and politics was seriously challenged by transcendental thought.  This will only be the first of serious challenges to the more moralistic view. 
Each of these challenges, in turn, undermined the more communal beliefs of federalism and bolstered the individualism of the natural rights construct.  This diminution was not a simple, one-way trend.  The nation’s history indicates that some of the challenges were very complex in their effects (for example, the New Deal while providing extensive bureaucratic programs, did reignite a “we’re in this together” spirit to combat the drastic effects of the Great Depression).
But before the natural rights construct took hold as the dominant construct, a federalist view held sway, at least more so than any other view.  It hung on as a pervading atmosphere which was mostly instrumental in relaying a sense of duty and, when appropriate, shame when its moral precepts were offended.  And this dominance can be detected in place till mid twentieth century.  During its years of dominance, its influence held beyond the concerns of government and included the family, the church, and education.[7]
Stephen L. Schechter[8] provides a good sense of how intimately federalist ideas affected the development of our political tradition starting in the 1600s.  These recurring processes started with small settlements, evolved into colonies, and then into a large nation.
America engaged in a development characterized with “reflection and choice” as opposed to “accidental” development – a natural growth usually characterized by monarchial rule.  The US can point to a definite period, of short duration, in which its basic constitutional ideas were proactively thought of and implemented.
The created political entities were the product of well thought-out considerations, including these five essential attributes: 
·        the almost missionary application of covenants,
·        the reliance on rational-choice (an Enlightenment ideal),
·        the establishment of republican government characterized by popular consent and limited government,
·        the reliance on the rule of law principle which picks up on the Anglo-American common law tradition,
·        and the incorporation of “the principle of organizing polities by distributing and sharing power between general (central government) and constituent governments (the state governments).”[9]
Adding to one’s understanding is the writing of Jack N. Rakove:
The American decision for independence added a further dimension to the concept of informed citizen … Americans began writing new constitutions of government to replace the old colonial regime, and these constitutions took an avowedly republican cast [known for] the virtue of their citizens:  their public-spiritedness, their willingness to subordinate private interest to public good, their capacity to monitor their rulers for signs of tyrannical ambition, their knowledge of the essential rights government existed to protect.  A republican government required a republican society.[10] (emphasis added)
These are federalist values in operation.




[1] Daniel J. Elazar, “How Federal Is the Constitution?  Thoroughly,” Readings for classes taught by Professor Elazar (Steamboat Springs, CO:  National Endowment for the Humanities Institute, 1994), 1-30.  A booklet of readings prepared for an institute for teachers.  In a booklet of readings.

[2] Communal citizenry will be identified by the term civic humanism, mentioned earlier, which will be more formally defined in subsequent posting.
[3] The Mayflower Compact was not written and agreed to by Puritans, but by Pilgrims who landed on the Massachusetts Bay at Plymouth Rock.

[4] Donald S. Lutz, “The Mayflower Compact, 1620,” in Roots of the Republic:  American Founding Documents Interpreted, ed. Stephen L. Schechter (Madison, WI:  Madison House, 1990), 17-23.

[5] Isaac Kramnick, “John Locke and Liberal Constitutionalism I,” in Major Problems in American Constitutional History, Volume I:  The Colonial Era Through Reconstruction, ed. Kermit L. Hall (Lexington, MA:  D. C. Heath and Company, 1992), 97-114. 

[6] Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic 1776-1787, (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1998).  Wood uses other terminology.

[7] Daniel J. Elazar, “How Federal Is the Constitution?  Thoroughly” AND Michael J. Sandel, Democracy's Discontent: America in Search of a Public Philosophy, (Cambridge, MA:  The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1996).

[8] Stephen L. Schechter, introduction to Roots of the Republic:  American Founding Documents Interpreted, Stephen L. Schechter (Madison, WI:  Madison House, 1990), 1-16.

[9] Stephen L. Schechter, introduction to Roots of the Republic:  American Founding Documents Interpreted., 4.

[10] Jack N. Rokove, “Once More into the Breach:  Reflections on Jefferson, Madison, and the Religion Problem,” in Making Good Citizens: Education and Civil Society, ed. Diane Ravitch and Joseph P. Viteritti (New Haven, CT:  Yale University Press, 2001), 233-262, 240.  

Tuesday, May 23, 2017

THREE POLITICAL SUBCULTURES

This next posting compares lists of beliefs that make up the political subcultures that began to develop in America as early as its colonial days.  Specifically, it will compare the moralistic beliefs that were derived from the Calvinist tradition and the individualistic beliefs that are derived from the transcendental tradition.  These two traditions were reviewed in the last posting. 
There is another tradition, but that is limited to the southeast states of the old Confederacy.  What has resulted, though, is an intriguing story of tension among these beliefs making it more difficult to form a national political culture.  Despite this tension, a national political culture has emerged.  In part, that has been made possible by one of these traditions becoming a dominant set of values and norms. 
For most of the nation’s history, the moralistic subculture was dominant.  This was true until the years following World War II.  Since then, the individualistic subculture has become dominant.  Dominance does not equate with the elimination of other cultural biases.  One can still find strong expression of each of the three prominent belief systems.  A review of these beliefs is useful as the beliefs help explain why the nation’s politics take the form that they do.
The moralistic subculture, formed in the New England colonies, spread westward across the northern most tier of states stretching to the Pacific Ocean.  If one would want to see a current display of this subculture, pay attention to the weeks leading up to the Iowa caucuses during the next presidential cycle.  By doing so, one can detect the characteristics Daniel Elazar identifies in this subculture:
1.   Belief that politics as a profession is a calling of great moral standing.  One who chooses this line of work can contribute toward the betterment of the commonwealth.
2.   Belief that strong institutions are the foundation of a good society.  Through these institutions, society focuses on securing a healthy commonwealth.  Individuals and their welfare, ambitions, and contributions are measured and given meaning by what they accomplish within these institutions.
3.   The commonwealth recognizes good citizenship through public duty.  It defines this duty in terms of efforts within public politics and should exhibit honesty, selflessness, and a sense of commitment for the common good (akin to what this blog has cited as social capital – a la Robert Putnam).  This subculture holds as anathema the idea that a public career is a means for self-advancement.
4.   The subculture places an emphasis on local political engagement.  It does so because it is through local, community based action that people more readily engage in face-to-face politicking.  By this type of action, engaged citizens become more disposed toward improving conditions and their activity takes on a moral character.[1]
Naturally, this type of interaction comes closest to what Tocqueville [2] in a previous posting depicts as typical politics in the early years of the nation’s history.
Of the three subcultures, the moralistic provides the most supportive line of thinking and feelings aligned with the federation theory construct.  It did and still does have influence among certain sub-groupings of many Americans.  The last President who frequently used the language of the moralistic tradition was the New Englander, John F. Kennedy – e. g., “Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.”
The most distinctive element of the moralistic subculture, as compared with the individualistic subculture, is that one places emphasis on the community, the collective, as opposed to the individual.  As this writer states this, it occurs to him that one can readily jump to the conclusion that the moralistic subculture is a collectivist philosophy, perhaps something like socialism. 
It is not.  The federalist construct identifies the significance of the collective in the form of a community, and argues that good and functional social policy must respect its existence and address its demands.  It is what some constitutional historians call civic humanism.
The next account of these subcultures is of the one that has become dominant today.  Mostly stretching westward from first the mid-Atlantic colonies, the individualistic subculture prevailed and still does so today.  Why?  Because it best reflects our capitalist biases as it mirrors and supports the marketplace and that subset of colonies led the way to developing the nation’s first organized market facilities of any size and wealth.
Elazar identifies the following characteristics for the individualistic political subculture:
1.   Politics, its activities and beliefs, is defined as part and parcel of the ubiquitous marketplace. Those engaged in politics are basically involved in trading favors to accomplish social goals. They are active in this exchange and are motivated by a desire to advance their political careers and expect to be adequately compensated for their participation.
2.   Citizens are mostly involved in pursuing their individual interests.  For the most part, they are concerned with private interests, not communal or public ones. Community action should be limited to minimal concerns and should, therefore, be unusual and practiced only in extreme situations.
3.   Political action should be aimed at specific problems. Political programs and ideology should be strongly avoided.
4.   Actual politics is generally a dirty business and should not be the business of most citizens. The necessary politicking should be left to those professionals who have chosen this loathsome profession. Some corruption is probably unavoidable and acceptable if it is kept to reasonable levels. Whether the public exerts the effort to clean out “city hall” depends on calculations measuring the costs and benefits of doing so.  In this atmosphere, only overwhelming public clamor will result in new government initiatives.
5.   Obviously, political activity by citizens is not encouraged. The subculture does not seek out core causes of social, economic, or political problems, and only reluctantly addresses the symptoms of such problems.[3] James McGregor Burns has described this type of political leadership as “you scratch my back, I'll scratch your back” or transactional leadership.[4]
The mid-Atlantic political culture has been exemplified, through the history of those states that stretch from the Atlantic seaboard to the Pacific coast until today; that is, these populations, in the main, live out these cultural traits.  There are areas of the country that fall outside this broad region that also exhibit these cultural traits; for example, areas of south Florida.  This is due to significant migrations within the country.
The third political subculture identified by Elazar is the traditional subculture of the southern colonies and then the southeastern states.  It is characterized by a general cultural orientation that supports an elite class (southern plantation owners and their families).  This power position should be secured by establishing a caste system in which political, economic, and social status is mostly determined by conditions of birth.  It was also heavily embroiled in racist politics. 
Of course, this subculture and its beliefs was significantly responsible for the Civil War.  The subculture, a pre-industrial view, supports and maintains a strict social and political hierarchy.  Under their paternalistic control, elites can accomplish good things, but goodness is basically defined by elitist interests.
Political parties, for example, are of little value and basically are used to recruit those who perform the legalistic requirements of governance necessary to maintain essential governmental services – such as policing services.  Politics is more a function of personal relationships.[5]
Due to mostly historical events, prominently among them the South losing the Civil War, this subculture is judged to be the least viable of the three.  Limited to the southeastern states (the old Confederacy), the subculture has been, to a great degree, regarded with less legitimacy in the rest of the country. 
Elazar, if alive today, would be perhaps a bit surprised, however, by how some southern thinking seems to be making a comeback.  For example, because of Texas prominence in the choice of textbooks used in our classrooms, – due to the size of its population and therefore its position in the textbook market – recent demands by Texas education officials regarding these books’ content might have significant influence on what texts around the country may contain.[6]
For the purposes of this blog, though, the main issues of excessive individualism are an expression of the tension between the moralistic subculture and the individualist subculture.  It is the result of the bifurcation between these two belief systems that a newer set of beliefs might evolve; a synthesis might emerge.




[1] Daniel J. Elazar, American Federalism: A View from the States, (New York, NY: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1966).

[2] Alexi de Tocqueville, “Political Structure of Democracy,” in Alexis de Tocqueville:  On Democracy, Revolution, and Society, ed. John Stone and Stephen Mennell (Chicago, IL:  Chicago University Press, 1980/1835), 78-101.

[3] Daniel J. Elazar, American Federalism: A View from the States.

[4] James McGregor Burns, Leadership, (New York, NY: Harper and Row, 1978).

[5] Daniel J. Elazar, American Federalism: A View from the States.

[6]Tim Walker, “Don’t Know Much about History:  Controversial Changes May Be in Store for Your Textbooks, Courtesy of the Texas State School Board,” National Education Association, accessed September 14, 2016.