A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, April 3, 2020

IS POLITICS DETERMINISTIC?


[Note:  If the reader has taken up reading this blog with this posting, he/she is helped by knowing that this posting is the next one in a series of postings.  The series begins with the posting, “The Natural Rights’ View of Morality” (February 25, 2020, https://gravitascivics.blogspot.com/2020/02/the-natural-rights-view-of-morality.html).  Overall, the series addresses how the study of political science has affected the civics curriculum of the nation’s secondary schools.]

For those who might not be familiar with the term, determinism, it is the idea that humans do not really have control over their actions; that people are deceived into believing they do because they are conscious of going through some mental “decision-making” process before they act.  Of course, the exception to this process occurs when people react to an unexpected change in their immediate environment. 
This would be the case, for example, if one suddenly looked up and saw a ball headed for his/her noggin and the person automatically ducks.[1]  Perhaps the reader has noticed that while watching a baseball game and, from time to time, a foul lined ball will shoot directly backwards.  The people sitting behind the plate duck when that happens even though they know a fence is there to protect them. 
Obviously, there is no decision-making; there is just reaction in those types of cases.  But such occasions are rare; the rest of the time people, according to determinism, do more calculating than choosing.[2]  Commentators have related behaviorism to determinism.  The deterministic argument holds that due to the experiences a person has had, the physiological make-up of his/her body (a product of natural selection), and the conditions that a person faces at a given time, the way that person “decides” to act is, well, determined by those other forces. 
That is, the person will always react to any situation by “choosing” the option that the person perceives is best for him/her given the conditions.  Since the person has little control over the above listed factors, his/her choice is determined by them.  Even in an action which is judged to be a sacrifice, the best action for the person is determined by the emotional cost he/she will bear by doing otherwise.
Now, due to space constraints, the description here is simplifying things a bit, but what is pointed out is that whether it seems to be the best choice – in terms of the person’s self-defined interests – or not, it is.  People don’t choose against themselves as that is defined in its broadest terms.  And one has very little control over the experiences or situations that “teach” a person what those interests are.   In the extreme, this denies the existence of free will. 
Applying these ideas leads to the practice, by those who want to solicit specific behaviors, of manipulating the factors of a situation so that the uses of rewards and punishments lead to desired outcomes.  Many behaviorist studies are about finding which stimuli, rewards and punishments, lead to which behaviors.
For example, the motivations John R. P. French and Bertram H. Raven[3] identify (coercion, reward, legitimacy, expert, and reference) are different forms of punishments and rewards.  For example, expert power indicates that one follows the advice of an expert, not because it is something the person necessarily wants to do, but because not to do so, it is believed, will elicit a punishment of a greater degree.  That would be the case if not immediately, then eventually.  
The mind computes the expected rewards and punishments and decides to advance as much reward as possible and diminish as much punishment as possible.  And all is potentially calculated including the effort or costs involved with the calculations and the time sacrificed by following a course of action.  Yes, even laziness is a factor, but whether one is lazy or not in a given situation is the result from prior calculations.
And while such venues where political decision-making takes place, supporting behavioral approaches to the study of politics – and any resulting political posturing – does not explicitly cite this understanding, but they proceed as if people do not have free will and can be manipulated.  Their resulting plans seem to assume that this is the case.  And another factor is, these studies do not claim to predict individual behavior, but the behavior of collectives.
And this line of assuming is not foreign to most people.  Does the typical person ever promise a child extra dessert if he or she behaves in a certain way?  Or perhaps stays on a job or in a career because the pay is so good or secure and the alternatives are known to be wanting or unknown?  If yes, they have experienced behaviorism at work. 
Even those who decide otherwise are so affected but have experienced other prior reward/punishment conditions.  The recipient and dispenser of rewards and even punishments correctly predict behavior by providing the correct stimulus.  How much of parenting, managing fellow workers, or governing consists of calculating such factors?  Intuitively, one can say most of what various “supervisors” consider is what rewards and/or punishments work.
Those who ascribe to this position might sight the patterns that human behaviors follow.  With enough knowledge, marketing strategies can do a good job of determining what products will sell; pollsters can often predict which candidates will win.  Relatives can tell what a person will do when a life issue arises.  Pure free will, it seems, would make these predictions impossible. 
The only thing that prevents one hundred percent accuracy in these predictions is that just as in predicting the weather, there are too many factors interacting in highly complex ways that affect one’s decisions.[4]  And as with the weather, rates of successful predictions, especially at the individual level, are significantly low.  But most government decisions are not directed at an individual level, they aim at affecting populations – there the predicting level is much higher.
At least, that's what pure behaviorists would say.  There are few pure behaviorists these days. Historically, the names of Ivan Pavlov, Edward Lee Thorndike, John B. Watson, and B. F. Skinner can be cited as pioneers in behavioral studies.  Any introductory psychology textbook reviews the basic tenets associated with the works of these famous men. 
While somewhat tamed from their original constructed view, behavioral studies are still in vogue and used in all sorts of social calculations from psychology to marketing to political and economic analyses.[5]  But looking at that history is telling of current educational thinking.  The heyday of behaviorism began in the twentieth century.  Why did this shift toward behaviorism happen during the last century?  At work were several historical trends. 
Since the Enlightenment era, in the eighteenth century, science has been on an ascendancy in western countries.  Due to the successes it garnered in practical areas such as agriculture and medicine and then industry, people began to rely more and more on the sciences.  This process arose and reached its apogee with the technological advancements of World War II and the postwar years. 
Until the beginning of the twentieth century though, its influences were pretty much limited to the study of natural phenomena.  But starting with the twentieth century, scientific protocols were beginning to be applied to social concerns.  Practitioners soon were aware that science's reliance on observable reality limited social sciences to the study of behavior since it was impossible to observe what goes on in the brain – of course, that observation was made at a time long before magnetic resonance imaging was developed. 
Behavior was what one could see and what one could measure.  Anything else was subject to speculation; at least, that was the case behaviorists made.[6]  Practically, scholars who followed the systems approach to social reality began to rely on scientific protocols in their studies.  Political science became highly statistical as the methods followed the hypothesis testing format which had been (and still is) the mainstay of the natural sciences.
          How this progression of viewing governance and politics from a natural rights view to how that view has affected the study of politics via behavioral studies was reviewed in past postings by reporting on the work of David Easton and the development of the political systems model.  The question that remains is how those developments in political science have affected how civics is taught in the nation’s secondary schools.  To do that a review of a major textbook of American government will be shared.



[1] For an insightful and somewhat detailed account of what happens physically in brain under such a condition, see Robert M. Sapolsky, Behave:  The Biology of Humans at Our Best and Worst (New York, NY:  Penguin Press, 2017).

[2] Along with this calculating or computing notion, see Steven Pinker, How the Mind Works (New York, NY:  W. W. Norton and Company, 1997).  Pinker graphically describes this process of computation and demonstrates how complex it is.  He adds to this explanatory approach to human behavior the effects of natural selection, another non self-determinate process.

[3] John R. P. French, Jr. and Bertram Raven, “The Bases of Power,” in Current Perspectives in Social Psychology, ed. Edwin P. Hollander and Raymond G. Hunt (New York, NY:  Oxford University Press, 1967), 504-512.

[4] Interested, read B. F. Skinner’s book, Beyond Freedom and Dignity.  B. F. Skinner, Beyond Freedom and Dignity (Seattle, WA:  Hackett Publishing, 2002). 

[5] A more current source and directed at training future government bureaucrats is Mark R. Leary, Introduction to Behavioral Research Methods, Seventh Edition (New York, NY:  Pearson, 2017).  Here again, the sense that people act as a result of the effects of stimuli, does not explicitly claim people do not have free will, but it just about assumes it.

[6] Of course, not all psychologists agreed with this assessment.  For example, those who now or then ascribe to the ideas of Sigmund Freud would disagree since the focus of their study is the subconscious.

Tuesday, March 31, 2020

LACKING IN TERMS OF METHODS


[Note:  If the reader has taken up reading this blog with this posting, he/she is helped by knowing that this posting is the next one in a series of postings.  The series begins with the posting, “The Natural Rights’ View of Morality” (February 25, 2020, https://gravitascivics.blogspot.com/2020/02/the-natural-rights-view-of-morality.html).  Overall, the series addresses how the study of political science has affected the civics curriculum of the nation’s secondary schools.]

This blog of late has been reviewing an approach to political science that has had a profound effect on civics education.  By stating an effect, that does not mean it has determined what that education is.  But it does mean influencing what that curriculum has chosen to highlight in terms of content or scope.  In addition, that influence has not been extended to the instructional approaches classroom teachers have implemented despite an attempt to do so by the federal government in the 1960s and 70s. 
During that time, federal officials encouraged teachers to apply something called the New Social Studies – a mostly instructional reform effort that heavily relied on scientific methodologies that teachers were to adopt.  That effort was initiated as a response to the Soviet Union launching Sputnik.  Science illiteracy among Americans was considered a national detriment in the ensuing competition with the Soviets in terms of space exploration with its defense implications in mind.  This a multidimensional story the reader can readily look up.  Here, only a mention will do.
While the effort to instill a more “scientific” approach to civics and to all social studies led to the publication of various textbooks, the overall effect was minimal.  The instructional approach this movement called for, the inquiry approach, was/is at odds with the dominant approaches most teachers employ.  Those would be didactic approaches such as lecturing.  Basically, didactic instruction imparts information; inquiry calls on students to discover information. 
At a minimum, those civics educators who have been so influenced by behavioral political studies have incorporated a general view of systems theory in terms of the content or scope of the subject matter but not its processes.  In terms of the scope, though, it has encouraged those civics educators to neglect the realm of community as an instructional topic and with it, all the obligations such an area of concern entails.
Over the last few decades or so, the trend toward individualism – as encouraged by the dominant natural rights view and further legitimized by behavioral studies – became so apparent that many school districts began to institute community service requirements for graduation.  This was relatively new when this writer left his last classroom assignment in the year 2000. 
At that time, his observation regarding this requirement was that the resulting process to supervise any community service was vacuous.  That is, the process was, in his school district, ill-supervised and students did not treat it seriously.  It demonstrated how un-communal the schools and the school system administrators had become. 
Perhaps things are different now, but he could find out by working at a school – an option not available to him.  But this judgement that the requirement was merely a formality was further supported recently by the testimony from a social studies teacher in a mid-size school district. 
During February 2020, this writer asked a teacher, a social studies department chairperson, about whether his district maintained any community service requirement.  According to the department chair the community service element is not a general requirement in the Leon County schools of Florida.  There is a requirement attached to an honors program, but again, other than asking standard questions, the supervision of the requirement is limited.
 So, to the degree this amoral view of politics which attachable to a natural rights view has captured the minds and hearts of Americans in general, and civics educators in particular, one can see how national politics has drifted.  Under the banner of a simplistic natural liberty, the dysfunctional state the nation’s politics finds itself as a bifurcated political environment and it has come about by people “doing their own thing.”  That state of affairs deserves its own investigation – the topic for future postings.
Up to this point, this blog might have left the reader with the impression that civics instruction around the country regularly portrays an image of citizens trying to outdo each other for favorable governmental policy decisions.  After all the overall description of politics is that it is an activity by which people or groups seek public resources through a competitive process.  But that characterization, as presented in civics classrooms, does not extend usually to average Americans and this blog doesn't state that it does. 
If only civics and government classes were that interesting.  What this blog tries to convey is that civics and government classes have taken on a descriptive role, and they limit their efforts to describing the structure of the American political system.  Stated another way, secondary schools portray the government and the other parts of the political system as one big machine.
In the political system there are these “branches” of government, bureaucratic departments and offices, and outside government there are people (voters, interest groups, and political parties) who seek government action.  Usually, each of these provide the subject matter for each of a civics course’s units of study.  The image, as portrayed by civics education as currently taught, is of a political system resembling a big machine with multiple interacting parts. 
The organism view that Easton wrote about[1] – and as described in a previous posting – has not made it to secondary civics instruction in American schools – at least not to any meaningful degree.  Most notably, that instruction has little to nothing to say about the feedback process which makes what Easton describes a system as being more organic than mechanical.  All the juicier stuff of intrigue, power plays, deception, and the like is left to novels or the more partisan pundits on TV.
In contrast, school renditions of government are pale, objectified, and lacking in human drama.  After all, in keeping with classical liberal values, there is no aim to induce any moral position, outrage, or normative stand except for its support of natural liberty.  Topics such as equality are avoided, community or communal obligations are neglected, business needs are absent, or concern for the impoverished is nonexistent.  What remains in those courses is bland, bland, bland.
Along with a lack of any drama, the nation’s classrooms, for the most part, neglect the research methodologies associated with the behavioral movement or that of any other political science approach.  But what of the instructional methodologies?  Are they important?  That is, is it important whether a teacher uses didactic methods or interactive/inquiry methods?
They round out what this adopted construct – the natural rights construct – is about; methodologies are not just ways to look at reality, they are ways to ignore reality or, as a former vice-president might say, fail to detect “inconvenient truths.”  This blog’s only editorial position regarding process is that whatever process a teacher adopts, it needs to have students reflect – not just memorize – on the needs of the political system and its citizens to be of any import or any effectiveness.


[1] David Easton, The Political System (New York, NY:  Alfred A. Knopf, 1953) AND David Easton, A System Analysis of Political Life (New York, NY:  John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1965).