A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, March 27, 2015

COORDINATING

After a bit of a debate with myself, I am calling this next function coordinating.  The context of this debate is that I am in the midst of presenting through a set of postings a list of functions that I believe are useful to educators who want students to look at political activity from the perspective of groups.  Groups are, of course, collections of individuals who come together for a purpose.  Groups vary in importance, duration, formality, cohesiveness, and purpose.  All groups also vary in the matter of their health – how likely they are to be viable and to overcome any existing forces that might present the group obstacles or, even more ominous, dangers.  Experience tells us that any group we might have belonged to was concerned with these forces.  Take the experience that belonging to a family provides.

Over the years, families face many negative situations:  losing a job, being uprooted due to work or family challenges, partaking in infidelity, rebelling children, on and on.  We are told that most divorces are caused by financial problems.  In addition, our defining marriage as a contract as opposed to a covenant or compact has added to the disruptive forces facing families.  In order for a family to be viable, to be healthy, it needs to do certain things and if we analyze across groups, we can identify a list of activity types, functional behaviors, which increase the likelihood of a group succeeding. 

My list is a set of functions that political groups need to fulfill to some degree in order to be healthy.  Given that just about all groups have a political function, we can extend these functions beyond those groups whose primary reason for existence is political.  The other proviso is to point out that my list applies to a range of groups from those who are highly informal to those that are institutionalized and integral to our political landscape.[1]  My last few postings have identified the following functions:  producing, adapting, sophisticating, and liberating.  This posting will describe the function, coordinating.

I also debated about whether to call this function organizing or coordinating.  Since my functions are aimed at promoting successful federated groups, my choice of coordinating hopefully denotes a higher degree of interactivity between members, an interactivity that has a level of esprit and unity not captured by the term organizing.  Hence, I chose coordinating in the hope that it more closely describes a sense of partnership which is what a federation is.  Not only does such a group have a formal structure as exists in organizations, but an emotional commitment that exudes palpable loyalty.  This level of cohesion does not necessarily depend on friendship, although friendship could be helpful, but it does demand respect for each other – a respect of each member’s humanity and his or her role within the group.  If this function is met, a whole array of activities will not only be tolerated, but also be sought after.  Discussions and disagreements are seen as opportunities for improvement, not triggers for dissolution or other counterproductive actions.  In order for this to work, a federated group has to have a significant amount of trust among the membership.  This latter quality is not easily attained and it shouldn’t be.  Trust in a federated group should be seen as something that needs to be earned and not taken for granted – although at times it needs to be assumed.

All of this, of course, does not preclude the needs of all organizations.  Federated associations need a formal structure, well-defined authority relations, and all the physical resources necessary to fulfill their purposes.  But a difference that distinguishes federated associations is the bias they have for more horizontal power arrangements.  This feature is not born from trying to be trendy, but from a sincere attachment to an ideal of having each member contribute to the policy-making processes of the group.  Of course, this desire needs to be tempered by practical concerns, which includes needs for expertise and other technical and physical requirements.  But it does require that all of its, at least, participating members believe in and interpret sufficiently similarly the foundational ideals and principles of the group.

A teacher who wants his/her students to study a group and determine whether the group is meeting this function of coordinating might ask some or all of the following questions:
Does the group have clear lines of authority?
Does the group have a sufficient array of skills among its members to viably engage in activities that are meant to accomplish its purposes?
Does the group have problem-solving protocols that meet the challenges of the group’s internal and external environment?
Does the group encourage broad participation among its members in the established problem-solving protocols?
Do the members have a clear understanding of their individual roles and expectations?  Do they individually and collectively judge these roles and expectations as legitimate and proper?
Can you add to this list?



[1] I see groups ranging from haphazard gatherings to very important and essential collections of important people.  The progression goes something like this:  gathering, group, organization, association, institution.  An association is an organization that is made up of federated individuals or groups.  I don’t particularly like the term institution.  I like to reserve that term to identify established ways of doing things.  Since institutions – as I am defining them – rely on very healthy groups, the term institution – as a group – can be used reservedly.

Tuesday, March 24, 2015

LIBERATING

This posting is one of a series which presents a set of functions that a group, which might be at any level of institutionalization, needs to satisfy in order to be a federated collective of people or subgroups.  Prior to this entry, I have presented three functions:  producing, adapting, and sophisticating.  I now turn my attention to a fourth function, that of liberating.  My efforts are motivated by the goal to have civics teachers approach the study of government and politics from the perspective of collectives.  This, in turn, is based on the assumption that meaningful accomplishments in those realms of human endeavors are done by groups, organizations, associations, or institutions.  Individuals are important, but they are important as members of groups.  They have roles and there are the expectations that these roles are performed to varying levels of proficiency.  But the often misleading habit is to zero in on individuals and this gives the student an inaccurate picture of how politics works and functions.  A way to approach a study of government or politics from the perspective of groups is to analyze a group’s ability to meet essential functions.[1]

I use this term liberating with reservations; I don’t want to communicate that a federated group does whatever it wants or has the power to do so.  But it needs enough liberty to be able to be distinguished from other groups; that is, it has enough autonomy.  Without this autonomy, a group is merely a social gathering of people who get together by happenstance or for limited reasons – so limited that no one cares if the reasons are satisfied or not.  But for a group pursuing any more substance, it has to have enough authority, integrity, legitimacy, and the ability to set options and be able to choose independently which options it wants to pursue in its drive to be viable.  In order to do this, it has to be conscious of its environment and be able to establish its borders, be able to patrol those borders, and be able to meet any challenges other groups might use to thwart its liberty.  For some groups, this includes competition with other groups, especially if the group needs or wants limited resources that are needed or wanted by other groups – a condition endemic among political groups.  There is also the challenge of a group that is organizationally situated within a larger group, for example an individual school within a school district.  What is the appropriate level of liberty an individual school should have in running its affairs?  Policy determines this and policy makers who want groups to be successful need to give these liberating concerns a lot of thought.

Let me use this latter concern to illustrate what a group has to consider in meeting this function of liberating.  I worked in a high school in a large school district, Miami-Dade Public School District.  The district’s policy not only had “downtown” name each school’s principal but each of its assistant principals as well.  The consequence is that the principal – and therefore the school – was denied a very important option.  As an organization, this lack of authority interferes very seriously with the school settling in on an operational philosophy.  Without a single philosophy, the school cannot have anything resembling a curriculum toward which teachers can gear their efforts.  Students go from class to class with each class having a different view of what schooling is all about, what expectations will be kept, or what constitutes success.  I don’t want to give the impression that schools are unreasonably chaotic, but in some very important ways, they do not exemplify smooth running operations with clear senses of their missions.

In studying political or governmental groups, teachers can use the following questions when considering this function:
Does the group have a clear sense of what it is?  Does it have a formal organizational mission and philosophy?
Does the group have processes in place with supporting structural elements to review its policies, strategies, and operations to see whether they are reflections of the group’s guiding ideals?
Is the group respected by other entities?
Is the group suitably prepared and equipped to meet challenges from environmental forces whether they be social or natural in origin?
Are the limits of the group’s authority clear to the policy makers within the group and to members of other groups?
What sources of power are available to the group; that is, does the group have the ability to administer coercion, rewards, or legitimacy toward other entities?

As with the other functions, one can probably think of other questions, but these can start a study of liberating.



[1]  This series of postings is highly influenced by the work of Samuel P. Huntington.  See Huntington, S. P.  (1968).  Political order in changing societies.  New Haven, CT:  Yale University Press.