[This blog is amid a series of postings that
aims to share with the reader a history of the nation – albeit highly summary
in nature – from the perspective of a dialectic struggle. That is the struggle between a cultural
perspective that emphasizes more communal and cooperative ideals of federalism
and the individualistic perspective of the natural rights construct.
The general argument this blog has made is that
federalism enjoyed the dominant cultural position in the US until World War II,
and after a short transition, the natural rights view has been dominant. Whether one perspective is dominant or the
other; whichever it is, that fact has a profound impact on the teaching of civics
in American classrooms.]
So, as the last posting claims, Americans, as
the 1800s came to an end, entertained the notion by Charles Darwin that life
was merely the daily struggle for survival.
Of course, those who held traditional views, many of them defined by
religious beliefs, were not going to take that lying down. Many in that field would launch major counterattacks
that would first belittle the implications of Darwin’s findings, but eventually
organized more formal responses.
Among
them – of probably most note – were active efforts to prevent this survivalist
messaging from becoming part of America’s subject matter in its schools,
culminating with the famous Scopes trials of the 1920s. But all of this did not prevent what many
considered a more common diffusion of this impulsive and shallow mode of
thinking. This thinking was particularly
acute among segments of the population usually in larger cities such as New
York and Chicago.
But more needs to be clarified regarding
William James’ analysis and how it culminated in a new philosophic approach
known as pragmatism. Again, relying on
Allen C. Guelzo’s work, the central notion of James’ reasoning was that if one
could not attribute any design or master plan to nature other than one of
randomness entailed with the battle for survival among organic life – called
natural selection – there was no reason to deny one from imposing one’s personal
patterns on that reality. That is, one
person’s views were as good as anyone else’s views.
Guelzo describes this newer approach:
James
knew that … people choose to believe, not what is strictly true, but what turns
out to be most convenient to their inclinations, or in evolutionary terms, what
is more convenient to their survival or prosperity. So long as there is no absolute proof to the
contrary and as long as someone is not just blowing bubbles, the believer is
perfectly justified in indulging a belief in God, and equally so with the
unbeliever, who in the absence of the same proofs, may indulge a will not to
believe in God.[1]
Here, one needs to stop and consider. An event happens, say an election. The official loser claims that the election
was rigged. His/her supporters wish, a
la James, to believe in the loser’s claim.
While one cannot prove that the claim is not true, one cannot prove it
is.
Since the system needs to accept one or the
other possibility – was it rigged or not – the system sets up a process that aims
to avoid such cheating, but then assigns the courts to determine whether any
claim to such cheating took place. The
courts, then, establish the burden of proof on those parties claiming the
cheating took place (in most instances, it is difficult or impossible to prove something
did not take place).
To prove that it did – this seems to be the
only way to accommodate such claims – calls for observable evidence that people
engaged in some sort of activity such as producing false ballots, tampering
with the machinery of voting booths and counting facilities, or some such action. Yet when the claims are not proved, but the
accuser persists in those claims, what happens?
Legally nothing, but the political cost can be
high and undermine the entire legitimacy of the process and of the system
itself – isn’t that what is happening in the American polity today? Regardless, what sounds innocuous in James’s
argument, as illustrated by this election example, can be quite harmful.
In this case, that harm is to the legitimacy of
a political system, but with some imagination, one can think about how such
thinking can affect a society in various ways.
For example, one can think of the irresponsible trends the nation
experienced in the years leading up to the Great Depression. The Roaring ’20s were well named.
James continues. Since people have to adopt beliefs in all sorts
of things, there is no a priori reason to rely exclusively on scientific
findings. For various reasons, one can cite
less confidence about what science provides at any given time. For one thing, reality changes and findings
can become no longer valid, or results are limited by some factor or other –
one sees this currently with what one hears should be done concerning the COVID
pandemic.
Picking up on the thoughts of Chauncey Wright,
Oliver Wendall Holmes, and Charles Sanders Peirce, James, with the above
notions, spells out the basic ideas and ideals of pragmaticism. Whether this newer approach builds upon or
diminishes the effects of the Enlightenment and scientific thinking, one can
interpret the effects in various ways.
On the one hand, it furthered a secular mode of thinking but as just
illustrated, it undermined the basic legitimacy of scientific findings.
How?
Well, it offered a philosophic basis by which to ignore science – at
least to some degree. In that sense, it
questions the epistemology of science.
It gives permission to upgrade one’s “beliefs” (as opposed to knowledge)
and, therefore, provides a platform to legitimate doubt. The function of thinking, according to
Peirce, in Darwinian terms, is to develop habits so that one acts in such ways to
secure survival. Nothing is more
practical.
This flew in the face of both theology and
science since both sought/seek truth in theoretic terms – those abstract
explanations for why the real is real.
But, in terms of pragmaticism, truth lies in the results one experiences
in reality – what works or doesn’t work.
And this seemed highly congruent with how people normally think. Here, a common standard of truth is what
results in profit – that is, a betterment in one’s condition.
In this pursuit, to be honest, one’s “temperament”
plays a central role that science and theology ignore. This lays the foundation for relativity, not
in natural science, but in popular culture.
What works – no, what works best – becomes the standard for truth. Therefore, beliefs, say a belief in the
existence of God, solves many concerns and fears. If it works for someone, then why not? Go ahead and believe.
To broaden this view, pragmatists argue that
this sense of truth prevails in the universe.
This is exemplified by society.
There, policies by the various entities, including government, are the
product of calculations. If an entity acts
one-way, certain consequences will likely occur. Those outcomes can be measured as to their viability
and consequences.
Law, especially criminal law, in a very
practical way, weighs in on those calculations.
Therefore, to be law-abiding is not a moral concern, but a transactional
concern. One obeys laws not to be good
or even right. One does so to avoid
paying the costs of being caught. If it
works for a person to avoid the costs of being caught by thinking in moral
terms, that’s fine too – “whatever works.”
Why was James attracted to such thinking? One can speculate as to his family stories –
which Guelzo reviews – and his and everyone else’s experience with the Civil
War with all of its costs, emotionally and otherwise. There, justifications – from both sides – often
cited religious rationales.
It seems God was on both sides of that conflict,
according to the respective apologist one cites. One can detect, in James’ work, his personal stake
in these ideas, mostly from a therapeutic perspective. In other words, his
pragmaticism functioned to allow him to process all the unimaginable pain the
nation experienced.
Yet, as Guelzo points out, James never
addresses why people initially seek the truth.
The search for truth often leads to sad outcomes as in the Civil War and
its casualties. Some hint, for example,
that Abraham Lincoln, given the moral stakes involved, was resigned to see the
war take place.[2] But that reflects what this blogger finds
most damaging with the pragmatist argument.
History seems to indicate that one can
generalize certain modes of behavior among citizenries that promote societal
health and longevity. The fact that the world’s
religions seem to copy each other in terms of moral principles bolsters that
claim, albeit their interpretations of those principles can vary – example, some
justifying slavery.
If pragmatism, with all its experimentation –
the type in which people seek what works – ends up discovering the same
conclusions, perhaps that will accrue to people as a plus, i.e., a sense of ownership
as to what is moral. But that route can
prove to be highly costly.
What one can take away from James and the
pragmatists is their formula by which traditional moral standards and thinking
could be put aside without much guidance as to what – to any degree of
specificity – is good or bad, right or wrong.
And that could and did sacrifice a federalist/republican mindset that
undergirded the nation’s constitutional framework. What could go wrong?
[1]
Allen C. Guelzo, The American Mind, Part II
– a transcript book – (Chantilly, VA: The
Teaching Company/The Great Courses, 2005), 130.
[2]
For example, Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the
American Whig Party: Jacksonian Politics and the Onset of the Civil War
(New York, NY: Oxford University Press,
1999).