I
have in this blog described and explained a general view of politics
and governance that, in its traditional form, had been the prevalent
guiding mental construct of our political thought. That prevalence
lasted from the nation's beginning until the 1950s. Through those
years, other views of politics coexisted and challenged the prevalent
view. As a matter of fact, the influence of what I call traditional
federalism continuously diminished throughout those years. Then
again, traditional federalist ideas and ideals are not totally
foreign to our current political thinking and acting. One of the
main purposes of this blog is to promote a more updated version of
federalist thought in our curricular planning of civics and
government courses. But at our core, this nation relies
predominately, not exclusively, on the natural rights view to guide
our political thinking. I was reminded of all of this as a reaction
to the “tri-scandal” situation in which President Obama currently
finds himself.
Within
the challenging posture that I have taken – of promoting federation
theory over the natural rights perspective – I have emphasized the
communal character of federation theory. Generally, my argument has
been that for an organized effort to be the most productive and
efficient it can be, the mode of interaction between the members of
the arrangement should be communal – that is, caring, cooperative,
morally committed to the common good of the group – and, in
addition, should promote equal standing among its members. Under
this strategic mode, a member of an organized effort owes the group
his loyalty, honesty, skills, knowledge, and trust. Such a
commitment is based on a moral posture, but it also has very
practical dimensions. With this type of interaction, members of a
collective need not expend unproductive energies worrying about their
fellow members doing them harm or having to engage in excessively
competitive machinations. Yes, a certain level of competition is
good, but it should be based on merit and carried on objectively with
well established norms of behavior that are geared toward fairness.
Equal standing does not mean equality of results – equal pay, equal
power, equal status – but it means all members participate
according to the same rules – equal condition. Advantages are
earned by reasonable acknowledgment of contributions to the
achievement of the organization's aims and goals. In short, the
organization becomes a community dedicated to those aims and goals it
has set for itself and, through that effort, for the mutual
advancement of its members. There is, under an ideal federated
arrangement, a cultivated and protected communal sense of
advancement.
Then
there is the function of leadership. All of the above pertains
equally to the organization's leaders, even to the person at the top.
A lot of the punditry on the various media outlets became highly
critical of President Obama for poor leadership as a result of the
three “scandals” that have erupted recently. Specifically, they
found fault with his ability to be the tough boss who is disposed to
having “heads roll” when people screw up in doing their
government jobs. I don't want to make comment on this judgment; time
will tell how it will turn out for the President. But I do think
this whole episode or series of episodes provides a good case study
by which to address and study the issue of effective leadership as
viewed by federation theory.
To
begin with, one needs not lose sight of the context in which the
Presidency exists. The President is the “boss” of a huge
bureaucracy. Between the civilian and military workforce, the
federal government hires in the neighborhood of 4.3 million people.
These people are distributed among a hefty number of departments,
agencies, bureaus, and the like. The average federal worker has a
multitude of bureaucratic layers between himself or herself and the
President. In such an organization, one can readily see that to
create an overall communal atmosphere from the top would be
impossible, but I do think a President can set a tone and a message
of what he or she values and is disposed to reward. A lot of this
can be communicated by the political appointments the President
makes. He or she can most definitely communicate it by how the White
House staff is run. But the question remains, can such an approach –
one that promotes a communal culture – be tough enough when the
interest of the nation calls for the leader to take decisive action,
willing to make those distasteful moves that include “throwing
someone or some people under the bus.”
By
all accounts, the very effective president, Ronald Reagan, was a
really nice guy. He treated people kindly or that is what we are led
to believe. To take on the tough guy role, he hired tough Chiefs of
Staff, like Howard Baker, to “clean out what needed to be cleaned
out.” Of course, even Reagan was able to be the bad guy at times,
such as when he fired the air traffic controllers. But is this
within the federalist way of doing things? At times, given the
seriousness of a given set of conditions, a heavy hand is needed
because an organization, no matter to what organizational theory it
ascribes, needs to implement changes quickly if it is going to
survive in an acceptable manner. Drastic changes will call for a new
set of players to make those changes. This should be done in as
judicial a way as time allows and, of course, basic rights of
workers, depending on the contractual terms under which they work,
should be honored. This latter concern is particularly important
when one is talking about civil service workers as is the case for
the majority of federal employees. If, on the other hand, time is
more generous, then workers need to be given a chance to fix the
problems, but that effort needs to be significantly planned out with
intermediate steps identified and evaluations done at appropriate
intervals. Disruption can ensue if leaders just go about
disciplining or relieving people of their jobs without sensible and
reasonable processes. In such cases, the message is “watch out,
they're after us” or “be very careful how you do your job and
don't take chances.” Such messages will stifle creativity and
innovation. But the situation can be more serious: if trust and
honesty are the issues, then the basis of any loyalty is compromised
and more aggressive approach would be justified. All of this can be
accommodated under a federalist model.
Under
such challenges, the aim of maintaining the communal character of the
organization should not be lost, but it also cannot be the obstacle
that stands in the way of putting the organization on a productive
path. Bigness is, in itself, a challenging factor. Bureaucracies,
experience tells us, are, by and large, not the paragons of
community. It is easy to get lost in the shuffle, but our public
leaders need to take on the commitment of creating the environments
that encourage a sense of belonging and mission. This, in turn,
needs to reflect the purposes behind creating a worker's position in
the first place.
In
terms of teaching the topic, leadership – one usually not mentioned
in civics classes – the above concerns could be used in organizing
a lesson or two on the importance and function of governmental
leadership. President Obama's recent “troubles” are just the
latest of a long list of similar episodes. In each, US presidents
have provided ample examples of these types of challenges that
usually include their leadership skills being questioned.
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