I
have from time to time in this blog made certain distinctions between
traditional federalism and liberated federalism. The former is the
political mental construct that served, more than any other
construct, the founders in their formulation of our nation and its
political/legal system. It is a construct that was heavily
influenced by the congregational tradition of early religious thought
that served much of the theory by which early settlements were
organized. This was especially true in the New England colonies.
This thought, by the way, went a long way in steering a political
culture across the northern stretch of states in the United States.1
This is a more moral approach to politics and is distinguished from
the central layer of states with an individualistic perspective and
southeast states that had/has a traditional political culture
orientation. The moralistic strain, to a very meaningful degree,
took on a mostly Aristotelian bias in that moral citizenship is
marked by participation, policy judgments based on their promotion or
antagonism of the common good and, with a departure from Aristotelian
thought, a strong sense for equality among societal members. In
addition, traditional federalism has been marked by a strong support
of small polities (which is weary of larger political units like the
federal government) and parochial values. But transcending all of
these perspectives was the view that the polity, in order to be
federalist, is the product of a people coming together and forming
the governmental structure through agreement among its members. The
agreement is solemn oath and takes the form of a covenant – God
witnessing the agreement – or a compact – God not called upon to
witness the agreement. As the nation became diversified and its
political arrangements became more expansive – with an accompanying
diversified view of God or a deity – a compact became the mode of
agreement as is the case with the US Constitution.
For
regular readers of this blog, the above description is old hat, but
for newer readers it is a good review of this blog's basic ideas.
This blog is dedicated to promoting a form of federalism, liberated
federalism, as a construct useful in guiding content choices in a
civics curriculum for our secondary schools. This form of federalism
is easy on its promotion of local and small political entities, but
maintains the call for equality, participation, and the set of values
that denotes moral politics. It is offered as an idealistic
perspective, but hopefully mindful of the real social and political
nature of people.
One
might ask: why call it a construct instead of a theory or an
ideology? It is not a theory when it comes to guiding curricular
choices because the purpose is not to give a purported definitive
explanation of politics or even American politics. It is not offered
as a predictive statement or as a guide for political science
research. A form of it might be devised for those purposes, but here
it is offered as a direction to which students' attention should be
geared – what issues students should consider as they learn about
their government and their nation's politics. The operative word is
“consider” and as such, what is being proposed is not an
ideology. It hints at what should be considered; it does not tell
students what to believe. In this sense, the construct serves the
same function as that of the prevailing dominant construct – that
construct being the natural rights construct or as it is known in
philosophical writings, liberalism (not to be confused by what is
generally called liberalism in our popular discourse).
Let
me confess; I am not a political philosopher – as if that weren't
obvious. I am an educator concerned with how best to encourage the
development of good citizens. I believe that task to be very
important, especially in a democracy. I believe many of our current
civics efforts are too closely hitched to the ideals and ideas
associated with market values and to a construct that promotes the
individual determination of values. While I am totally against a
curriculum that calls on students to adopt a set of values, I do
believe that we have enough history under our belts to determine a
list of values that, if people would abide by them, would bolster a
healthy society – a list I have provided in the past. It makes
sense that a curriculum should, at least, make students aware of
these values. How? By having students present issues and situations
that relate to those values and have them tackle them as challenges
and figure out the essence of each, the consequences of varying
courses of action, the actions they favor, and the justifications for
their choices. In this manner, the construct can provide the
guidance, not indoctrination, of which I write.
1Elazar,
D. J. (1966). American
federalism: A view from the states. New York: Thomas
Y. Crowell Company.
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