A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, February 6, 2015

WHAT TO DO?

What’s a rich person to do?  When it comes to politics or life in general, rich people tend to prefer solo efforts.  That is, they tend to want to “do it themselves.”  They want and can afford to garner control and that means they prefer to shy away from entanglements with others.  Of course, reality is such that that is often not possible, so instead of totally dismissing the assets others can bring to the table, they form compromised accommodations.  This is opposed to lesser endowed actors who know quite well that they do not have such luxuries and are highly dependent on the help of others.  They in turn form alliances.  If one projects this to national politics, we can say the political party that suffers more from division is the party that more closely represents the rich, the Republican Party.  That party has been more of a constellation of interests as opposed to an alliance of interests.  Of course, as with most things, this is more a tendency than a hard and fast rule, but one useful to keep in mind when studying political campaigns.[1]

And no political campaign demonstrates this more than the presidential campaign of 1800.  Spoiler alert:  Thomas Jefferson won that election.  He won it with a man from the opposing party as his vice president, Aaron Burr (yes, that Burr who did in Alexander Hamilton).  The details of why that happened is beyond my purposes here, but makes for an interesting story you might want to look up.  No, actually, it does have something to do with my purposes here, because one reason that Jefferson won was due to the actions of Hamilton.  More below.

You see, the 1800 election marks the first time in our history when the party in power lost and the opposing party won and took over the reins of power.  For a nation not well established within its institutions, this could easily have been an iffy thing, but it was pulled off without much disruption.  The reason is central to what I am conveying.  I have written how the predominant political construct of the time was traditional federalism: a view of politics that at its core believes a polity is made up of members of a community coming together to form it.  This is done under the auspices of a binding compact.  The question I have not addressed too clearly has been who makes up that community.  Are all included?  One of the defining developmental themes of American politics has been how the definition of a political community has been determined.  Initially, the real political community was defined as all families who own property, represented by the patriarch of that family.  Hence, the vote was limited to males who owned some minimal amount of property.  This was the case in 1800.  With that as context, we have the first meaningful challenge by the agrarian portion of that population to the more moneyed portion.

Under the auspices of President George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, the first Secretary of the Treasury, instituted our first financial system.  The policy called for paying off the national debt and providing subsidies for those who were willing to invest in the American economy, specifically benefiting those who invested in manufacturing, finances, and public securities.  And all this was being paid for by taxes which fell most heavily on planters and farmers – the agrarians.  To the rescue came Thomas Jefferson and his followers known as the Republicans.  They fought the Federalists, Hamilton’s party, in the 1800 election and they won.

Did that mean the dismantling of the Hamiltonian system?  Nope, it did not.  As Richard Hofstadter[2] quite clearly informs us, Jefferson understood that a system that had already become institutionalized – the system had been in effect for twelve years – would be too disruptive to change, much less eliminate.  An attempt to do so could cause such upheaval that a depression could result and hurt the very planters and farmers Jefferson championed.  So, with some few exceptions – the excise tax was eliminated and the national bank expired – the provisions of Hamilton’s system were maintained.

My point here is to encourage history teachers to not be so engrossed with the individual actors, such as Jefferson and Hamilton, but to give more attention to the groups and organizational climate of a given time in order to see what the real politics of that time were.  While Jefferson can truly be considered the spokesperson for the interests of the agrarian faction, he by no means let ideology dictate his policies.  Instead, he took, as president, a posture that respected the landscape of the political realities with which he dealt.  A way to begin asking the telling questions about a particular time is to see the American polity as a federal arrangement.  The first question becomes:  who makes up the federated polity during the time being studied?

As for the role Hamilton played in the 1800 election, when the decision was thrown into the House of Representatives, controlled by Federalists, Hamilton lobbied for Jefferson.  This was a decidedly antagonistic act against his fellow New Yorker, Aaron Burr.  In a letter to one House member, Hamilton predicted that Jefferson, as president, would not be a radical, but an accommodator.  This accurate prediction might not have secured Jefferson’s victory, but it surely did not hurt.




[1] For an interesting description of this trend see Schattschneider, E. E.  (1960).  The semi-sovereign people:  A realist’s view of democracy in America.  New York:  Holt, Rinehart and Winston.  This general tendency should not be interpreted as saying that the Republican Party is more in disarray or undisciplined.  Perhaps due to the herd character of their constituency, the Party, as compared to the Democrats, is much more disciplined generally.  It is said that in the Republican Party, presidential nominees are chosen more as a process of determining whose turn it is.  Lately, though, with the rise of the Tea Party faction and that of the evangelicals, the Party is not as disciplined as it once was.

[2] The factual information concerning the 1800 election and its aftermath are based on Hofstadter, R.  (1948).  The American political tradition.  New York, NY:  Vintage Books.

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