A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, October 2, 2015

OKAY, I’LL DO IT

Have you visited a school lately?  Have you walked into a classroom?  It’s a different place from the one you might have attended if you are approaching my age.  Technology has hit the schoolhouse; it’s wired nowadays.  So schools are no stranger to change, yet change can still be a daunting process.  This blog is dedicated to convince you, the reader, that change is needed.  My target is not a “thing” technology, but an idea.  It is how we view the content of our civics curriculum.  The challenge which I write about will prove to be more difficult to accomplish.  Such a curricular change hits at basic assumptions, biases, aesthetics, senses of loyalty, and even notions of self-worth.  For example, the change I am advocating questions how we view liberty, such a cherished, self-defining attribute that we, as a nation, hold.  Yet, as I pointed out in my last posting, there might be certain historical trends, currently making themselves felt, that would help, if not necessitate, a move toward what is being “pitched” in this blog.

Of course, the proposed change is to move our view of civics from one which holds the natural rights construct as the dominant view in determining the content of our civics lessons, to what I have termed the liberated federalism construct.  As a proposed change, any effort to accomplish it would benefit from understanding what is involved with planned change, change that is conscious and deliberate.  There is a literature, in the social sciences, that reflects the research that has been done in this field.  I want to visit a portion of that literature so that we can consider the overall challenge of what I am proposing.

Robert Chin and Kenneth D. Benne offer an overview of strategies that have evolved.  These strategies represent three different approaches to the efforts of change.  But before I review these three approaches (a topic of my next posting), I want to tie these strategy types to a basic political concept, power.  I have written earlier in the blog about power.  I have used Robert Dahl’s relatively simple definition of power:  a person has power over someone else if he/she can get another person to do what he/she would not do otherwise.[1]  Further, I have cited two scholars’ work that identifies different forms of power.  John R. P. French and Bertram H. Raven identified five motivational types based on why someone would be convinced to yield to the dictates of another; i. e., the mental states that would lead one to do something he or she would not do otherwise. They are perceptions of coercion, reward, legitimacy, expertise, or referential desire (known as coercive power, reward power, legitimacy power, expert power, and referent power,).[2]

Coercive power occurs when a person acts in accordance with the wishes of another in order to avoid punishment, either initial punishment or the continuation of punishment.  Punishment can take many forms from physical harm to financial losses.  It can also be psychological in the form of guilt, shame, love lost, embarrassment, fear, and the like.  If experienced, punishment, especially if it is viewed as unjustified, can and is likely to elicit a desire for revenge.  If the conditions are right, the exercise of coercive power can lead to a cycle of coercive activity as in violence begetting violence.  This should be a consideration one would be wise to calculate before using coercive power.  On the other hand, coercive power might be viewed as the only option to attain what is perceived as an essential state of being.

Reward power is doing the bidding of others in the anticipation of receiving what one wants to attain.  Usually, this is in the form of money, but it can be in the form of psychological benefits – affection, love, kinship, fame, respect, and the like – or some physical entity – a car, a diamond ring, a trophy, a favored parking space, etc.  Reward power does not spur negative consequences other than the costs of issuing them.  These costs, though, can be substantial.

Legitimacy power occurs when someone does something he/she will not do otherwise due to a sense of doing the right thing.  Usually involved is a sense of duty or obligation.  One can see that if the act is not done, guilt can be the result so there is, in such a case, an overlap with coercive power; the difference being that there is no inkling that the requested behavior is unjustified.  Therefore, if one can convince a person or population that certain behaviors or aversion to behaviors is legitimate, then compliance will not elicit any resentment.  If the necessary beliefs are not present, then the party wanting to exert legitimate power needs to instill such beliefs.  This can prove to be expensive and difficult.

Expert power occurs when someone does something he/she would not do otherwise because he/she is being told to do so by someone who knows what is the best (or better) course of action.  An example from everyday life that comes to mind is the power a doctor has over a patient when the doctor convinces the patient of a change in lifestyle choices – such as giving up smoking.  The key here is twofold:  convincing the subject that the power holder is expert enough and that the subject is disciplined enough to follow suit.

Referent power occurs when someone does something he/she would not do otherwise because he/she wants to be associated with some person, group, movement, or something such as an idea (ideology) or symbol.  It is a form of reward power, but association usually involves an ongoing connection into the future.  A sense of belonging is the “reward” and, as such, deserves to be distinguished from what is usually considered a reward.

Those are the types of power that French and Raven insightfully wrote about back in the 1950s.  This formulation, I believe, is still a powerful conceptualization.  It is particularly helpful for those who want to begin to learn what is needed in order to initiate change.  If we look at civics education, for example, the current view has been institutionalized for a fair amount of time.  So if one wants to work toward changing an important element of our national curriculum, one is taking on a difficult task.  There should be no doubt about that.  Elementary use of the above list of power types quickly points to the fact that most coercive resources, in the form of job security, and most reward resources, such as job advancement, are in the hands of those who hold the current curricular biases that support the natural rights construct.  This should be kept in mind as I review the types of strategies Chin and Benne offer.  As I stated above, I will review those strategy types in my next posting.



[1] Dahl, R. A.  (1957).  The concept of power.  See https://www.unc.edu/~fbaum/teaching/articles/Dahl_Power_1957.pdf .

[2]French, J. R. P. and Raven, B. H. (1967). The bases of power. In. E. P. Hollander and R. G. Hunt (Eds.) Current perspectives in social psychology (504-512). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. 

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