A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Tuesday, June 14, 2016

A MOVING TARGET OF CONCERN

I have in this blog described Social Security as a very federalist program.  I believe this because of the inter-generational quality of its funding.  The fact that the current working population pays the benefits of the preceding, retired population offers us a high level of interdependence among our citizenry that underlines the federalist notion that we are all partners in this project we call the United States.  I have also observed in my postings that most citizens don’t appreciate this quality; most just see it as a program that they pay into so that at some future date they draw from – a forced savings program.  This is not exactly true.  And it is becoming less true as time passes.

S. Jay Olshansky, Dana P. Goldman, and John W. Rowe,[1] in a recent article, review some of the math involved in Social Security.  The account gets a bit confusing – not their fault, it’s just the nature of the thing – but with what figures I was able to grasp, I would like to report some of the conclusions I think are important.  The article did not address dollar amounts the SSA derives from payroll taxes it collects, but instead shares figures relating to ratios and proportions of people working and contributing to the program, life longevity figures, and proportions of working to retired people.

The first conclusion is that not only are we living longer and are living healthier longer, these numbers have shot up way above what was anticipated when the program was first initiated back in 1935 – as part of the New Deal of President Franklin D. Roosevelt – and even above what the Social Security amendments of 1983 anticipated.  Healthcare advancements have been amazing, a good thing, but have led to strains on the payer/beneficiary ratios.  Point of interest is that the original age for full retirement benefits under Social Security was 65; this was because of the observation that in 1935, most pension plans used that age as the retirement age.  In 1983, as I just alluded to, Congress instituted a set of reforms.  Among them, the law upped the retirement ages.  They set the age for full retirement, starting in 2006, at 66 and it will be upped to 67 in 2027.  Early retirement age, 62, remained the same, but benefits were lowered. 

Was this sufficient?  One way to measure whether the changes are sufficient is to look at what proportion of the population, only including those who survived to twenty-five, were over age 65 in 1935 when Social Security began.  If you take those percentages and apply them currently, since so many people are living longer, retirement age should be 66.5 for early retirement and 69.4 for full retirement.  At those levels, the program would be as fully funded as it was designed to be.  Just to give you a flavor of the article, let me quote part of it:
In 1935, assuming a full retirement age of 65, the population aged 20 and older spent 78 percent of its remaining life working.  If we were to hold this ratio of working to retired years constant and index the full retirement age to rising life expectancy at age 65, the full retirement age would have been 69.1 years in 2009 (based on a ten-year moving average in life expectancy after 65 …).  Assuming an early retirement age of 62, the over-20 population in 1935 spent 74 percent of their remaining life working; and the analysis … in 2004, would have yielded an early retirement age of 66.3 (p. 73).
Got that?  No, don’t feel bad; I’m sure few would, but these numbers reveal grave concerns over the future of Social Security, but the problems are solvable.

Let me share some other numbers.  In 1935, the expected number of years over 65 was 12.6 years; probability of surviving till 65 (conditioned on having lived to 25) was 62.4%.  By 1983, the number of expected number of years above 65 increased to 16.6 years (increasing at a rate of 30 days per year), while conditional survival to age 65 rose to 79.4%.  Between 1983 and 2009, these numbers jumped again.  The number of years beyond 65 rose to 18.9 years (an increase rate of 31.8 days per year) and conditional survival to 65 was then 84.8% between the years ’83 and ‘09.  Another interesting set of numbers is:  approximately 72 percent of retirees begin receiving benefits before they are eligible for full retirement and 46 percent begin receiving those benefits at age 62.

What seems to be a recurring aspect of this situation is that efforts to draw conclusions and suggest solutions to the funding of Social Security continuously underestimate the pace of how fast it is changing, how fast life expectancy numbers are going up.  The article dedicates some space to the efforts of the Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform (the Simspon/Bowles Commission).  Its analysis suggested, for example, that full retirement age be set at 68 by the year 2050.  Given the authors of this article’s analysis, this would be highly inadequate.  The history of studying this concern, starting in 1935, has continuously not grasped how successful we are in increasing life expectancy years.

These numbers are averages; not all people, of course, live the same number of years.  We know that variance of life expectation varies according to certain factors.  Gender, ethnicity, geographic area of residence, employment, and others are such factors.  It turns out that attained education level is highly correlated to longevity rates.  Of course, in terms of causal effect, spending extra time in classrooms cannot be reasonably adding years to one’s life.  But having higher levels of education, on average, opens individuals to knowledge, life perspectives, opportunities, and lifestyles that do add years to life.  At least, that seems to be the case.  It probably also reflects family income and rates of wealth.  Here are life expectancy numbers in relation to education:  less then 12 years of schooling in 1990, life expectancy was 75.7; in 2008 it was 74.5; for 12 years of schooling in 1990, life expectancy was 78.3; in 2008 it was 78.7; for 13-15 years of schooling in 1990, life expectancy was 88.1 years; in 2008 it was 89.2; for 16 or more years of schooling in 1990, life expectancy was 86.0 years; in 2008 it was 92.1.[2]  I think you would agree that these numbers are stunning and reflect how unequal the realities of our nation are.  But that is an issue for another posting; here, the point would be that any changes to Social Security definitely need to take into account these variations if such changes will be true to our commitment to equality, a deep-seated federalist value.

Considering issues relating to Social Security is very important.  Talking about it can easily become mind-numbing given the numbers involved.  One such number is how much we spend on Social Security, the number one expense item of the central government’s budget.  Issues include how the Social Security Trust Fund is the holder of enormous numbers of IOUs from the Treasury Department.  In 2011, that number represented about 2.7 trillion dollars.  That is nothing to sneeze at.  How do these rates affect the viability of the cherished program?  Questions of this nature need to be addressed not only by our politicians but also our citizens as well; they need to ask these questions and get their heads around the numbers involved.  Again, Social Security is one of our basic federalist efforts; we need to protect it, not only for the sake of our current and future beneficiaries, but also to protect who we are.



[1] Olshansky, S. J., Goldman, D. P., and Rowe, J. W.  (2015).  Resetting Social Security.  Daedalus:  Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Science, 144 (2), (Spring), pp. 68-79.

[2] These numbers are for education attained by 25 years of age.

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