This blog has been
reviewing the mental construct, traditional federalism. It has presented this theory
in positive language. It has pointed out
it served as the dominant theory of governance and politics at the origins of
this nation’s republic. It was dominant
from the time of the earliest colonial settlements and through their
developments into the original thirteen states.
Further, it was dominant up until the years following the second world
war.
This
construct has favored collaborative and communal biases as it promoted social
capital and civic humanism. While this
blog favors such biases, it does not promote traditional federalism. So, what’s wrong with it? To answer this question, this blog offers the
following critique.
Probably
its most fundamental shortcoming is that while it espouses a moral stand that
advances the common good, it never, to any level of sophistication, defined
what that was either practically or theoretically. The results were serious and were duplicitous
to its own stated values.
Its
most egregious offense emanated from its commitment and dependence on local
jurisdictions to ensure that public policies were in accordance to those
values. Probably the history of those
jurisdictions failing to protect equality serves as a telling demonstration of
this shortcoming.
Overall,
localism is noted for parochial attitudes and prejudices. Traditional federalism never laid down the
markers to define limits on those dispositions which led to the non-federalist
policies of discrimination, bigotry, hate, and, of course, slavery. Not enough was done to emphasize the
qualitative aspects of federalism and too much was directed to its structural
elements – mostly, those relating to states’ rights.
In the development of the
US, this principle of equality, while initially was to be advanced and
protected by the local jurisdictions, were not.
Instead, local jurisdictions were exclusive, segregated arrangements or
communities in a mostly or nearly frontier environments – they were expressing
the norms of their times. Of course,
nothing illustrated this shortcoming more than the issues that led to the Civil
War.
Eventually, albeit slowly,
due to the internal logic of republican federalism, the nation became more and
more inclusive of diverse people within its communities.[1] While the march toward greater degrees of
inclusion were relentless, they, at times, were anything but smooth.
Worth noting on this
issue: the fight toward true federalism
does not need to take a back seat to any movement in terms of sacrifice and
courage by those who engaged in this effort.
From fighting against slavery, for civil rights, or for equal
opportunity, many sacrificed much, including for some, their lives.
Another problem with
traditional federalism is related to the first one. It simply did not respect individual rights
sufficiently well; it turns out that localism is not just antagonistic of other
races, nationalities, or ethnicities, it is also intolerant of what is
considered offenses to religious beliefs.
In effect, traditional
federalism did not protect individuals from others imposing their religious
beliefs on how a person might choose to live his/her life. In all truth, the fight against this
discrimination was led by those who adopted natural rights views as many local
jurisdictions with strong singular religious beliefs judged others as deserving
prejudicial treatment. This was judged
by natural rights advocates to be intrusive to individual choice, a central
tenet of their preferred view.
Beyond legal sanctions, it
was not unusual to confront strongly enforced social restraints on who could be
hired for a job, for example, or with whom one could socialize due to behaviors
or other attributes associated to a person.
These effective sanctions upheld locally defined mores and values that
often originated with religious biases.
The film, The Bridges of Madison
County,[2]
dramatize these realities as late as the 1950s.
The context of these less than
federalist social policies, often backed by law, was the lack of historical
evidence of how a federalist republic should conduct its affairs. While the beliefs were present on American
shores from the 1600s, there was a lack of experience in trying to apply its
vague precepts. After all, past
experiences of republican governance, before that of the US, were few and far
between.
The ideas that one can now describe as
a logical system of ideas were ones the nation sort of evolved into and, in too
many cases, reluctantly embraced in their collective thinking. But this was done without sufficiently fixing
the clarity of its meaning. Yes, the
founders had read a great deal about republicanism, but the bulk of such
material was theoretical or historical accounts of ancient Greece and Rome.[3]
Often, these earlier Americans were
just too busy getting a country started to be able to work out with any rigor
the fineries of such an all-inclusive political theory.[4] There were challenges and they ranged from
inconsistency in supporting its basic values to the social tensions caused by
human desires for a more self-defined life styles.
Under such conditions, economic
interests – as with slavery – trumped moral suggestions from an ill-defined
political theory. In other cases, it was
religious intolerance that promoted unjust treatment of diverging
lifestyles. For the purposes of guiding educational
choice of content for a civics curriculum, therefore, a revised version of
federalism is needed. This blog is
committed to present that version.
[1] Michael Lind, The Next American Nation: The
New Nationalism and the Fourth American Revolution, (New York, NY: The Free Press 1995).
[2] Clint Eastwood (director), The Bridges of Madison County (the film), (Warner Brothers, 1995).
[3] Daniel N. Robinson, American Ideals: Founding a
“Republic of Virtue” [a transcript booklet], (Chantilly, VA: The Teaching Company/The Great Courses,
2004).
[4] Actually, a more extended evaluation of the years under
which traditional federalism held a dominant position, there were many
admirable qualities, quite federalist in nature, during the pre-World War II
years. The problem is that the
shortcomings were so egregious.
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