To continue, from the previous
postings, describing the components of a liberated federalist model, the third
component is the association. To date,
this blog has described the two other components: the community and the entities. Associations are a type of social
arrangements. Not all arrangements or
collectives are associations. Some are.
The
term association, as used in this blog and as Philip Selznick[1]
uses it, refers to those arrangements that are formal in that they are
initiated by a compact or a covenant and operate significantly within the
ideals contained within federation theory.
Of
course, the national, all embracing association is the federal union of the
people and states of the United States of America as designated by the United States Constitution, its
compact. That association, as well as
the associations that make up the state and local governments are, in the
ideal, communal democracies as defined by Selznick. Any collective, public or private, can be so judged
if it meets to a significant degree federalist ideals as described and
explained in this blog and alluded to below:
·
One, it is, as stated above, an
organization formulated under the auspices of a compact or covenant that lays
out its various provisions. Ideally,
that agreement should be in writing, but a verbal, binding agreement can meet
this requirement. That agreement sets
out certain structural requirements: a
qualified majority rule, a strong provision for guaranteeing the rights of
minorities and individuals, and a clear purpose or set of purposes for its
existence that is publicly stated.
·
Two, it has a fraternal ethos that
respects the dignity and integrity of each of the entities that comprise it and
an emotionally felt commitment of inclusion for those entities.
·
Three, it has a covenant of reason upon
which its moral standing rests. The
covenant of reason includes a deliberative process of decision-making, a
provision of critical review of its decisions and actions, and a set of
collective interests that reflects its purposes as well as its standing as an
association.
·
And four, the association has an
overarching responsibility to uphold the communal well-being of the community
in which it resides.
To review these
attributes, a short elaboration follows:
The
compact or covenant refers to the
formal agreement between the entities.
The agreement contains the characteristics identified by Daniel J.
Elazar. To review his characterization
of a compact/covenant, here is a definitional account of a covenant and another
quote that further describes the common structure of a covenant:
Covenantal
foundings emphasize the deliberate coming together of humans as equals to
establish politics in such a way that all reaffirm their fundamental equality
and retain their basic rights ... Polities whose origins are covenantal reflect
the exercise of constitutional choice and broad-based participation in
constitutional design. Polities founded
by covenant are essentially federal in character, in the original meaning of
the term (from foedus, Latin for covenant) ... [2]
And:
[The
old covenants followed a recurring format or model which was] … an historical
prologue indicating the parties involved, a preamble stating the general
purposes of the covenant and the principles behind it, a body of conditions and
operative clauses, a stipulation of the agreed-upon sanctions to be applied if
the covenant were violated, and an oath to make the covenant morally binding.[3]
Donald
S. Lutz points out that the distinction between a compact and a covenant is
that a covenant calls upon God to be a witness to the agreement and a compact
does not.[4] In either case, the formulation of a compact
or covenant calls for a bit of soul searching.
It demands that the entities involved seriously consider the
consequences of such an act due to the nature of the commitment involved.
In
addition, there should be at least some minimum level of emotional commitment
among the entities for the agreement and each other since the union will most
likely last for a significant amount of time.
Compacts and covenants should not be drawn up for frivolous
reasons. As Elazar describes these
unions, the commitment is for the duration of the concern involved. In terms of a national union and such
institutional arrangements as marriage, the commitment is in perpetuity.
The
purpose or set of purposes for the formation of the arrangement is spelled out
in the compact or covenant. To justify
the sort of commitment called for under a compact arrangement, the purpose or
purposes need to be of sufficient importance.
Importance can, at a minimum, be measured by the number of people
affected by the activities of the association and the importance ascribed to
that effect. For example, a school staff
with its responsibilities make it a suitable arrangement for such a commitment
by those who work there, but seldom are.[5]
The
qualified majority rule attribute holds
that a raw majority rule arrangement in collective decision-making should be
avoided. One problem with raw majority
rule involves a lack of concern for minorities.
Majority rule should be limited by constitutional (structural) parameters,
as previously stated in this blog regarding equality. Each minority and individual is entitled to
protection from the majority and its potential abuses. Basic rights, as identified by the Bill of Rights, serve as an appropriate
starting point. But on a more human
level, this concern is emotionally felt among all entities of the association.
On
a more “practical” level, a member of the majority today can easily and
eventually be part of the minority at some future time. The reciprocal advantage, highlighted earlier
in this blog, is actualized by a respect for the rights of entities, whether
they are in the majority or the minority.
Since the situation in the future can easily be reversed, there is a
practical and self-serving aspect to this reciprocity.
The
attribute of fraternal ethos can
best be seen as a “partnership” among the entities. That is, fellow participants are genuinely
held in high regard and a mutual concern for each other’s well-being and
success is felt. Under a partnership, a
benefit for one, under the experiences of the union, is a benefit for all, at
least in the long run. Or, as
Tocqueville points out: “self-interest
rightly understood.”
The
final attribute of an association is a covenant
of reason. This attribute is the
foundation for making possible the actualization of moral actions by the
association. This foundation is first
anchored in the deliberative process by which decisions are made by the
association. The process is – and
remember, this model is concerned with political activity and other political
matters – identifiable.
The
steps of the process are as follows:
·
challenges are perceived;
·
affected self-interest is identified;
·
(logically simultaneously) a review of
ideals takes place;
·
relevant knowledge is reviewed;
·
a reflected moral mission is formulated;
·
an action strategy is selected;
·
an evaluation components (formative and
summative) is selected;
·
a decision to act is made;
·
action is initiated;
·
and the actions (strategy) are evaluated
against federalist values.
This
is how this construct views politics. The
process by which to study associational politics utilizes historical and social
science literature (along with other sources such as poetic literature –
novels, short stories, poems, etc. – and other artistic materials). These activities are presented in a logical
sequence, but they do not have to be carried out in that order except for the
last three steps which would naturally be at the end of the process.
Another
aspect of this attribute is that it operates, as much as possible, in a
transparent fashion. That presupposes an
association that has collective interests and, whenever possible, is open and
forthcoming with information regarding these elements. Of course, this attribute can be restricted
by competitive considerations as with proprietary information of a business or
by concerns for national security facing the central government.
Those,
then, are the attributes of an association and with that the summation of the
elements that makes up the liberated federalist model is completed. What remains is certain event factors that
theoretically puts the model in “action.”
That topic will be addressed in the next posting.
[1] Philip Selznick, The
Moral Commonwealth: Social Theory and
the Promise of Community, (Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 1992).
[2] Daniel J. Elazar, “Federal Models of
(Civil) Authority,” Journal of Church and
State 33, Spring (1991): 233-234.
[3] Ibid., 244.
[4] Donald S. Lutz, The
Origins of American Constitutionalism, (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State
University Press, 1988).
[5] As pointed out in a previous posting, staff
relationships are defined by formal contracts, not a compact or covenant.
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