Change in social
landscapes can be studied from different perspectives, from different contexts. One angle to this topic is the human
interactions between those engaged in either promoting change, those opposed to
it, and between the two camps in a given contested change effort.
Here
the relevant information that provides insight into those dealings can be
derived from psychological and sociological studies. But when one wants to see these encounters
from a national or statewide level, political studies seem to be most fruitful.
One study that takes on this more political perspective is
provided by Leslie R. Crutchfield.[1] “What [she] does is convey qualitative
research findings – emanating from her team of researchers – on what has been
effective in terms of grass roots activities.
She also indicates what has not been effective.”[2] Since this blog promotes transformative change
for civics education, any reliable knowledge affecting change efforts in large
arenas, such as a national effort to change civics curricula, is highly
welcomed.
One of the first claims that Crutchfield reports has to do
with the contexts under which more recent efforts have been attempted. And the first element of those contexts she
lists is historical. That is, various
efforts in the latter half of the twentieth century have had their
effects.
That
would include civil rights, labor, environment, and feminist movements. They seemed to have been most virulent during
the 1960s and 1970s. But while the
influence of those efforts still has its effects, it must be highly qualified
since the current environment has been heavily altered by technological
developments.
With the turn of the century, agents engaged in change have
had to accommodate their strategies to the advent and quick application of the digital
revolution through the Internet.
Technological innovation ushered
Western society into a post-industrial Digital Age and catalyzed the supply
chain revolution. With innovations in
sourcing and logistics, suddenly businesses were freed up to purchase inputs
from and create their products in almost any nation on earth. As supply chains opened up, the world turned
flat once again, and globalization brought a new world trade order.[3]
Practically,
those involved in change – especially if the parties targeted by such efforts
are business interests – their concerns can potentially go global. But even if the most directly affected are
private enterprises, the public institutions are not immune and at times become
the prime affected parties. One need only
look at the current headlines and be informed of foreign powers influencing
domestic elections.
On a more
substantive level, current change efforts need to take into account the “nuts
and bolts” issues of the day.
Nationally, an about face took place from a highly progressive thrust that
existed in the 1960s and 1970s to a reactionary one of the 1980s and 1990s. One area of concern provides an overall sense
of how this reversed course materialized and continues to do so in everyday politics.
That would be in
the area of incarceration. In the last four
decades there has been an increase of 500 percent in the number of people being
sent to some form of imprisonment. Yet, there
has not been that sort of increase in the number of crimes being
committed.
Ironically,
for unrelated reasons, both liberal – left of center citizens – and
conservatives – right of center citizens – have been cast together fighting
this policy. Of note on this issue, the usually
opposing groups Black Lives Matter activists and the Koch brothers have become allies
when it comes to the incarceration issue.
The
first group is motivated by their concern over race relations and the
inordinate number of African Americans making up that prison population; the
second group is motivated by its concern for over-governmental interference in
American lives. This uneasy alliance has
brought attention to this national issue.
And
the conservative side of this joint effort brings up another contextual element. Through the Koch brothers’ and other
conservative groups’ actions, a highly organized, national conservative movement
has evolved since the year 2000.
Summarily, this movement was given the title Tea Party.
Their
most meaningful accomplishment has been their successful acquisition of a significant
number of Congressional seats. When Republicans
control the House of Representatives (as they did from 2011 to 2017), this Tea
Party element presents a meaningful factor in being able to secure national or
regional change.
This
rise of conservatism, which has also been called the alt-right or populist movement,
has been combined with the technological advancements mentioned above. The result has been a potent political force
that promises to affect national politics for many years to come. This force will be addressed in upcoming
postings. But through social media, the
alt-right has captured the attention of a significant number of Americans with
a virulent conservative message.[4]
Of
course, the political atmosphere in a given time will affect not only change
processes, but what should be legitimately changed in the first place.
… [I]t’s important to note that Trump
didn’t create the populist movement that ultimately ushered him into office;
rather, he shrewdly tapped the anger and disaffection of white working-class
voters in coal country and other parts of the United States who felt left
behind by a vanishing industrial economy and increasing cultural diversity.[5]
And with that explanatory
note, one can find the circular reality of how the current environmental elements
are meaningfully interrelated one with the other.
Political
movements – whether they are elements of the political context of change
efforts or not – demonstrate that they are indicators of how the polity is divided
or polarized at any given time. They
function as the fuel upon which change occurs – whether it is planned or not, whether
it is wanted or not, or whether it is beneficial or not.
[1]
Leslie R.
Crutchfield, How Change Happens: Why Some Social Movements Succeed While
Others Don’t (Hoboken, NJ: John
Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2018).
[2]
Robert Gutierrez, “Introducing the
‘Grass Root’ Approach,” Gravitas: A
Voice for Civics, April 2, 2019, accessed December 9, 2019, https://gravitascivics.blogspot.com/2019/04/introducing-grass-root-approach.html
.
[3]
Leslie R.
Crutchfield, How Change Happens: Why Some Social Movements Succeed While
Others Don’t, 5 (Kindle edition).
[4] See Andrew Marantz, Anti-social: Online Extremists, Techno-Utopians, and the
Hijacking of the American Conversation (New York, NY: Penguin Random House, 2019).
[5]
Leslie R.
Crutchfield, How Change Happens: Why Some Social Movements Succeed While
Others Don’t, 7 (Kindle edition).
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