[Note: If the reader has taken up reading this blog
with this posting, he/she is helped by knowing that this posting is the next
one in a series of postings. The series begins with the posting, “The Natural
Rights’ View of Morality” (February 25, 2020, https://gravitascivics.blogspot.com/2020/02/the-natural-rights-view-of-morality.html). Overall, the
series addresses how the study of political science has affected the civics
curriculum of the nation’s secondary schools.]
This blog of late has been reviewing an approach to
political science that has had a profound effect on civics education. By stating an effect, that does not mean it
has determined what that education is. But
it does mean influencing what that curriculum has chosen to highlight in terms
of content or scope. In addition, that
influence has not been extended to the instructional approaches classroom
teachers have implemented despite an attempt to do so by the federal government
in the 1960s and ‘70s.
During that time, federal
officials encouraged teachers to apply something called the New Social Studies
– a mostly instructional reform effort that heavily relied on scientific
methodologies that teachers were to adopt.
That effort was initiated as a response to the Soviet Union launching
Sputnik. Science illiteracy among
Americans was considered a national detriment in the ensuing competition with
the Soviets in terms of space exploration with its defense implications in mind. This a multidimensional story the reader can
readily look up. Here, only a mention
will do.
While the effort to
instill a more “scientific” approach to civics and to all social studies led to
the publication of various textbooks, the overall effect was minimal. The instructional approach this movement
called for, the inquiry approach, was/is at odds with the dominant approaches
most teachers employ. Those would be
didactic approaches such as lecturing.
Basically, didactic instruction imparts information; inquiry calls on
students to discover information.
At a minimum, those
civics educators who have been so influenced by behavioral political studies
have incorporated a general view of systems theory in terms of the content or
scope of the subject matter but not its processes. In terms of the scope, though, it has encouraged
those civics educators to neglect the realm of community as an instructional topic
and with it, all the obligations such an area of concern entails.
Over
the last few decades or so, the trend toward individualism – as encouraged by
the dominant natural rights view and further legitimized by behavioral studies –
became so apparent that many school districts began to institute community
service requirements for graduation.
This was relatively new when this writer left his last classroom
assignment in the year 2000.
At
that time, his observation regarding this requirement was that the resulting
process to supervise any community service was vacuous. That is, the process was, in his school
district, ill-supervised and students did not treat it seriously. It demonstrated how un-communal the schools
and the school system administrators had become.
Perhaps
things are different now, but he could find out by working at a school – an
option not available to him. But this
judgement that the requirement was merely a formality was further supported recently
by the testimony from a social studies teacher in a mid-size school
district.
During
February 2020, this writer asked a teacher, a social studies department chairperson,
about whether his district maintained any community service requirement. According to the department chair the
community service element is not a general requirement in the Leon County
schools of Florida. There is a
requirement attached to an honors program, but again, other than asking
standard questions, the supervision of the requirement is limited.
So, to the degree this amoral view of politics
which attachable to a natural rights view has captured the minds and hearts of
Americans in general, and civics educators in particular, one can see how national
politics has drifted. Under the banner
of a simplistic natural liberty, the dysfunctional state the nation’s politics
finds itself as a bifurcated political environment and it has come about by
people “doing their own thing.” That
state of affairs deserves its own investigation – the topic for future
postings.
Up to this point, this blog might have
left the reader with the impression that civics instruction around the country
regularly portrays an image of citizens trying to outdo each other for
favorable governmental policy decisions.
After all the overall description of politics is that it is an activity
by which people or groups seek public resources through a competitive
process. But that characterization, as
presented in civics classrooms, does not extend usually to average Americans and
this blog doesn't state that it does.
If only civics and government classes
were that interesting. What this blog
tries to convey is that civics and government classes have taken on a
descriptive role, and they limit their efforts to describing the structure of
the American political system. Stated
another way, secondary schools portray the government and the other parts of
the political system as one big machine.
In the political system there are these
“branches” of government, bureaucratic departments and offices, and outside
government there are people (voters, interest groups, and political parties)
who seek government action. Usually,
each of these provide the subject matter for each of a civics course’s units of
study. The image, as portrayed by civics
education as currently taught, is of a political system resembling a big
machine with multiple interacting parts.
The organism view that Easton wrote
about[1] –
and as described in a previous posting – has not made it to secondary civics
instruction in American schools – at least not to any meaningful degree. Most notably, that instruction has little to
nothing to say about the feedback process which makes what Easton describes a system
as being more organic than mechanical. All
the juicier stuff of intrigue, power plays, deception, and the like is left to
novels or the more partisan pundits on TV.
In contrast, school
renditions of government are pale, objectified, and lacking in human
drama. After all, in keeping with
classical liberal values, there is no aim to induce any moral position,
outrage, or normative stand except for its support of natural liberty. Topics such as equality are avoided,
community or communal obligations are neglected, business needs are absent, or
concern for the impoverished is nonexistent.
What remains in those courses is bland, bland, bland.
Along with a lack of any
drama, the nation’s classrooms, for the most part, neglect the research
methodologies associated with the behavioral movement or that of any other
political science approach. But what of
the instructional methodologies? Are
they important? That is, is it important
whether a teacher uses didactic methods or interactive/inquiry methods?
They round out what this
adopted construct – the natural rights construct – is about; methodologies are
not just ways to look at reality, they are ways to ignore reality or, as a
former vice-president might say, fail to detect “inconvenient truths.” This blog’s only editorial position regarding
process is that whatever process a teacher adopts, it needs to have students
reflect – not just memorize – on the needs of the political system and its
citizens to be of any import or any effectiveness.
[1] David Easton, The Political
System (New York, NY: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1953) AND David Easton, A System
Analysis of Political Life (New York, NY:
John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1965).
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