An issue this blog will
visit at some future point is whether people due to their nature hold a bias
for their group. That could be their
race, their nationality or ethnicity, their locality, their age, their
religion, even their gender. And if that
sense of belonging exists, to what extent does it exist? How much does it trump other motivations,
such as personal interests?
Professional
team sports count on people having a strong enough sense of loyalty to one’s
locality to sell expensive tickets to witness their encounters with the
representatives of other localities or to buy paraphernalia they can wear or
otherwise exhibit. All that is fine as long as it is considered a
source of harmless fun.
Yes,
at times it has led to fisticuffs or strains within families, but for the most
part, it is just a way to pass what would otherwise be boring interludes within
one’s life. This writer, in his past and
when he lived in a more urbanized area, partook in such expenditures – he
shared season tickets in baseball, basketball, and even football. Plus, at times, he drove long hours to attend
football games at his alma mater. These
days, though, all that has been abandoned and he follows only golf, a
non-locality-based fandom.
Yes, aging takes one through exotic turns. But through all that, he agrees with the late
Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. That
historian writes:
Most Americans, it is true, continue
to see themselves primarily as individuals and only secondarily and trivially
as adherents of a group. Nor is harm
done when ethnic groups display pride in their historic past or in their
contributions to the American present.
But the division of society into fixed ethnicities nourishes a culture
of victimization and a contagion of inflammable sensitivities. And when a vocal and visible minority pledges
primary allegiance to their groups, whether ethnic, sexual, religious, or, rare
cases (communist, fascist), political, it presents a threat to the brittle bonds
of national identity that holds this
diverse and fractious society together.[1]
One can almost hear the
reaction to citing this concern. The
problem does not lie with individuals of one group being able to exert
themselves in dominating others but of attempting to protect themselves – in
terms of political power and/or economic standing – against those with
power. For example, the “Black Lives
Matter” reaction to case police abuse goes beyond mere racial pride or
promotion.
To
the extent they are legitimate protests of unjust treatment by government
personnel, these need not be acts that undermine an otherwise unified nation. Instead, they can be viewed as expressions of
what minimally this nation needs to sustain to allow such a diverse nation to survive. Therefore, as with most of reality, this
topic is somewhat nuanced.
In
that light, what Schlesinger has to say can be useful in finding a workable
solution to what this blog is currently addressing; that is polarization. Not only is this topic subject to nuanced
realities, but it also plunges one into ironies that defy simple ideations or
policy resolves over related problems.
The main irony is that a pathological adherence to group identity
undermines the very individual motivation that spurs it into existence and
maintenance.
While
the motivation emanates from one’s natural proclivities, its manifestation undermines
that individuality. As Schlesinger
points out, one loses him/herself, one’s identity, into the identity of a
group. In turn, the ideas, perceived
interests, and other aims and goals of the group become inviolable and beyond
questioning. To the extent this is true,
it adds to those forces sustaining the nation’s current malady of
polarization.
Again,
ironically, how these problematic allegiances develop, even those that reflect
racial/ethnic divides, has participants of such dueling to fall in line with one
or the other of the grand national groupings – the progressive one or the
conservative one. Unfortunately, the
current political landscape has Black Lives Matter “team up” on the progressive
side and the white supremist group on the conservative side. This is a shaky arrangement, but the
realities of the current politics fall in line with such a division and they
add to the general polarization.
And
one is invited to guess over such developments:
is the nation the midst of a social collapse? Has this descending digression taken on a
life of its own? “The contemporary
sanctification of the group puts the old idea of a coherent society at
stake. Multicultural zealots reject as
hegemonic the notion of a shared commitment to common ideals.”[2]
As
that historian points out, what has sustained this nation – a nation without a
common ethnic origin – has been an allegiance to ideals. And those ideals include a commitment to
democracy and human rights. The nation’s
constitution – admittedly needing some interpretation – spells out what that
means. It speaks of union and even
striving to be perfect in that union.
Yet, in an age of natural rights, this basic sense comes into question –
go figure.
And
that historian points out another historical factor. To be allegiant to the prevailing culture, by
the historical setting in which it exists, does call for one to acknowledge the
society’s Anglo-Saxon colorization. The
term “colorization” includes the notion that it has by natural evolutionary
developments shifted to incorporate the influences of the various immigrant
groups that have affected what Americans are culturally today.
Does
the acknowledgment preclude the existence of a Little Italy or a Little
Havana? A China or German town? Of course not. These communities exist as transition spaces
– both in terms of physical location and time.
Their ongoing existence even creates tourist destinations. Why?
Because it’s a cheaper way to get exposed to another culture while still
being able to speak English and be under the legal and political structures of
the US. Win-win! And concerns over these communities
underestimate the attraction of the overall American culture.
This
writer can personally attest to this latter factor. He can remember that in the fifties, living
in a Latino home and wanting to be American and for all the efforts of
multiculturalists, this attraction still exists. What youngsters under that situation learn is
that there is a way of being at home and a way of being beyond home and the
neighborhood. Most of these concerns
turn out to be aesthetic in nature.
This
gets solidified as the young person attains higher levels of education. For the few that insist on holding on to the
immigrant culture, fine. The system can
accommodate these exceptions, it has broad shoulder as long as the basic sense and
administration of rights – individually and those of groups – are respected.
This
blogger of late was entertained by watching a film from 1939 – the same year
that produced Gone with the Wind.[3] That other film, produced in a federated
influenced society, portrays the values of that other construct. The film, Let Freedom Ring,[4] is a story about the
railroad extending into the West and its agents engaging in exploitive
practices.
While
the film is a venue for Nelson Eddy (without Jeanette MacDonald[5]) to exhibit his “pipes,”
it does illustrate how moneyed interests rode roughshod over disadvantaged
groups including small farmers, immigrant workers (from various nationalities
such as Italians and Germans), and modest townspeople.
There
is one scene, toward the end in which all of these oppressed groups congregate
– a social event – and become convinced that their group interests are aligned;
and that commonly, they needed to unite to check the power of the railroads. This mirrors the basic strategy E. E.
Schattschneider in his book, The Semi-Sovereign People,[6] reports.
The
main relevant message Schattschneider offers is that the disadvantaged need to
unite to challenge and possibly win over the power machinations of the
advantaged. Divisions based on
artificial factors – artificial in terms of what is at stake – such as
ethnicity, race, religion, and other non-affectual factors interfere with this type
of leaguing. They lead to dysfunctional
alliances or dysfunctional affiliations.
Of course, at times it is one of these attributes that is at stake, as
with the Black Lives Matter movement.
This
posting leaves the reader with a prophetic insight Schlesinger shares:
The republic embodies ideals that
transcend ethnic, religious, and political lines. … But the experiment can continue
to succeed only so long as Americans continue to believe in the goal. If the republic now turns away from
Washington’s old goal of “one people,” what is its future? – disintegration of
the national community, apartheid, Balkinization, tribalization?[7]
The current state of
polarization seems to verify this historian’s concern and to how it challenges the
nation. And, as such, it is a concern
civics teachers should be addressing in their classrooms.
[1] Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Disuniting of
America: Reflections on a Multicultural
Society (New York, NY: W. W. Norton
and Company, 1992), 112-113.
[2] Ibid., 117.
[3] Victor Fleming (director), Gone with the Wind
(Selznick International Pictures, 1939).
[4] Jack Conway (director), Let Freedom Ring (Metro-Goldwyn-Mayor,
1939).
[5] For the younger readers, Nelson Eddy and Jeanette
MacDonald were a duo who appeared in many popular films and were noted for
their singing prowess.
[6] E. E. Schattschneider, The Semi-Sovereign People: A Realist’s View of Democracy in America
(New York, NY: Hole, Rinehart and
Winston, 1960).
[7] Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Disuniting of
America, 118.
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