The Whig story, as it was left in the last
posting, has Henry Clay depriving John Tyler the nomination for president in
1844. With that move, Clay steered the
Whigs to support a national bank, but the actualization of a newer version of that
institution was thwarted by his defeat at the polls in November. Instead, a strong supporter of Andrew Jackson
won; that was James Polk, a “dark horse” candidate not widely known. Like Jackson, Polk was from Tennessee.
Polk’s winning campaign emphasized national
expansion and one first hears of “Manifest Destiny” being expressed. That is that the US, as part of God’s plan,
should extend from ocean to ocean, from the Atlantic to the Pacific. This entailed acquiring lands from Mexico and
Great Britain. Success in the
Mexican-American War secures the acquisition of Texas, California, and other
areas and that can be attributed to Polk’s one term in office.
But while in office, along with
expanding the nation, Polk took up the fight against the national bank. He in effect finished what President Jackson
began. In a previous posting, this
blogger mentioned that Jackson did the bank “in,” but that was not entirely
true. What he did do was withdraw all
federal government funds from the bank.
He held the populist position that the bank favored the rich from the
Northeast and, as a self-made man, saw this as undemocratic. Like-minded Polk took up Jackson’s “Bank War”
against the Second National Bank.
This national bank was established because
the First Bank’s charter (the bank established through the leadership of
Alexander Hamilton) ran out and, in the interim, without a national bank, the
financing of the War of 1812 proved to be challenging. The Second National Bank was chartered in
1814 and was still in existence through Jackson’s, Harrison’s, and Tyler’s presidencies. In those years, the bank survived a legal
attack which questioned its constitutional standing and a slew of scandals
(apparently a bit of corruption was involved).
In McCulloch v. Maryland (1819),
the Supreme Court ruled it was a legal entity. Despite that support, both Jackson and Tyler
vetoed efforts by Congress, through the leadership of Clay, to re-charter the
bank and its charter expired in 1836. Polk
maintained a hostility to any proposal to restart a national bank and he also
worked to strengthen the nation’s banking system, reduced tariffs, and
negotiated a land settlement with Great Britain that resulted in the
acquisition of the Oregon Territory that would become the states of Oregon and
Washington.
After that four-year term, Polk,
probably because of his promise to serve just one term, but one can speculate health
reasons as well, decides to not run for reelection. He would die in 1849, months after leaving
office. By some accounts, Polk’s efforts
have given him, in the eyes of many historians, high marks in terms of
accomplishments.
In general, he maintained the Democratic
Party’s overall anti-Eastern establishment view that can be traced all the way
back to Jefferson and the Democratic-Republican Party. This by elimination and attitude made first
the Federalist (mostly through the initial leadership of Alexander Hamilton and
John Adams) and then mostly the Whigs, the parties of the Eastern
wealthy class.
One cannot so readily classify the Whigs
in this fashion given the antagonism Tyler displayed over the Second National
Bank. There were definite divisions
among their ranks between its southern and northern contingencies. As described below, this bifurcation will
extend most vibrantly in terms of slavery, but other issues stoked the internal
divisions of that party.
And that leaves one with the election of
1848. In that election, ironically, the
Mexican-American War produced, as has been the case in many of the nation’s wars,
a war hero that would prove unbeatable in the subsequent presidential election. The Whigs, in ’48, nominated such a hero in
Zachary Taylor for president and a party leader, Millard Fillmore, for
vice-president. The Democrats nominated
Lewis Cass, a former secretary of war in Jackson’s Administration.
While Cass had war experience (War of
1812), he did not have the notoriety Taylor had in that Taylor led US forces to
victory in the Battle of Buena Vista. He
also gained national recognition in the Second Seminole War. The election was close in terms of the
popular vote, but Taylor won 163 electoral votes of a possible 290.
His service as president lasted roughly
a year and half and was taken up with the debate of how slavery was going to be
expanded, if at all, in the newly acquired western territories. In July of 1849, Taylor dies of what doctors
determined was a bacterial infection.
This elevated Millard Fillmore as chief executive.
During the 1840s and 1850s the Whigs
generally acted to constrain slavery’s advancement and promoted a high
tariff. This latter position was seen as
protection for burgeoning manufacturing businesses by raising the price of
imported goods. By this time, the
incorporation of newly acquired lands to a growing US, was well
institutionalized and a federalist model was generally accepted.
The issue was not whether the new
territories were to be federated polities, but who was to be included in those
polities. While the Whig Party did not
take a position over slavery’s expansion, many of its leaders were strongly in favor
of prohibiting its being allowed in the new territories.
Here a bit of context is helpful. In 1820, Congress passed the Missouri
Compromise. It set up a plan to handle
the expansion of slavery in limiting its expansion to those states that would
be established south of Missouri’s southern border with exception of Missouri which
was to be admitted as a slave state.
As the Polk’s term came to an end in
1849 and all the newly acquired lands to the west would eventually be a number
of new states, the South wanted to secure that a good number of those states be
slave states. This was not only to
secure “moral” support for the “peculiar institution,” but to maintain a
balance in the US Senate which, if maintained, would secure slavery’s future in
the US.
This newer political landscape,
therefore, became a hot area of contention between those who supported slavery
and those who wanted to do away with it.
In this latter group, as just mentioned, was a significant number of
Whigs. Among its leaders, President
Fillmore, Clay, and Daniel Webster led the Whigs involvement in hammering out
the Compromise of 1850. They, along with
the Democrat, Stephen A. Douglas, arrived at its provisions that called for:
· California being admitted to the Union as a non-slave state,
· New Mexico and Utah would be admitted
without mandating its prohibition of slavery,
· the elimination of a Texas’ claim of
what will be part of New Mexico from Texas for a payment of ten million
dollars,
· the agreement to an enactment of a new
law – what would become the Fugitive Slave Act – authorizing the apprehension
of runaway slaves and their return to their owners, and
· the prohibition of buying and selling of
slaves in Washington, D.C.
But the party, one should remember, was racked
by sectional divisions.
Nothing
brought these divisions more prominently to the fore than the passage of the
Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854). The newer
legislation undid an earlier law, the Missouri Compromise, and introduced the legal
element of “popular sovereignty.” That
is, each new territory would hold a plebiscite to decide whether it would, as a
state, allow slavery or not.
By 1854, with the passage of this law, the
Whigs as a party no longer held much viability and most of its anti-slavery
members drifted over to the newer political party, the Republicans, including a
former, one term representative in Congress, Abraham Lincoln.
The next posting will provide a timeline
summarizing the major events and developments that characterized the efforts
and accomplishments of the Whig Party.
Admittedly, as reality tends to be, the accounts of that party, as
portrayed in this blog, can be a bit confusing.
Perhaps the timeline can give one a more understandable rendition of
what the party meant to American history.
But here is an overview of its listed
aims. It favored an energetic economic
agenda – giving it the name the American System. Its elements were promoting a protective
tariff, subsidies from the federal government for the construction of
infrastructure, and a general support for a national bank. Generally, as part of its ideology, it
supported a modernized sense of meritocracy and an active antagonistic approach
to privilege. One can sense natural
rights values being represented by such policy positions.
It also gave loud support for the rule
of law, qualified majority rule (protecting minority rights), and for a
relatively weak executive branch of the federal government – William Henry
Harrison wrote a defense of a weak presidency.[1] And probably doing much to undermine its
popularity, it registered its opposition to Manifest Destiny and all the
expansion that ideal promoted.
Who supported the party? That would be businesspeople, professionals, devoted
Protestants, and the rising urban middle class.
They lacked the support of small farmers and unskilled labor. And while the national party attempted to
stay neutral on slavery, many of its northern supporters were against it.
Overall, it supported the ground rules
one can describe as federalist, but in terms of supporting localism, it had a
mixed record. Its presidents were
against strong executives such Jackson proved to be, but it did support a
strong central governmental role in terms of the economy such as in supporting
infrastructure programs. While its history
was short, its role in the years leading up to the Civil War should be noted.
[1] For example, see William Freehling, “William
Harrison: Domestic Affairs,” UVA: Miller Center (n.d.), accessed July 19, 2021,
https://millercenter.org/president/harrison/domestic-affairs .
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