[Note: This posting is subject to further editing.]
An advocate of critical
theory continues his/her presentation …
To remind readers, this
blog is reviewing the theoretical elements of critical theory as the most
popular antithesis to the prevailing view of governance and politics, the
natural rights view. As it stands today,
the view that most influences what is taught in civics classrooms is the
natural rights construct. To this date
this blog has reported on natural rights and has critiqued it.
Now it is doing the same
for critical theory and its educational version, critical pedagogy. Early into this review, this blogger warned
readers that he would utilize William H. Schubert’s commonplaces of curriculum[1]
(subject matter, teacher, learners, and milieu) but not in an ordered
fashion. Why? Because critical pedagogy is not well
established within the nation’s schools.
Of recent date, there seems to be some influence being exerted among
textbook publishers, but not extensively.
But here are some added concerns this review
will continue to address: Beginning
with subject matter, presentations will focus in on the morality of critical
theory, the discipline of the social sciences as they relate to critical theory,
and the interdisciplinary nature of critical theory.
With the category, the “student,” this review
will sustain the subcategories used with natural rights, personal student interests,
student social interests, students’ economic interests, political student
interests, and pedagogic student interests.
For “teacher,” it will revolve around two subcategories: teacher effectiveness and teacher
knowledge. Finally, the “milieu” will
direct attention to the expectations of schools, schools’ socioeconomic base,
and youth culture.[2] But again,
what will follow will not follow the sequence indicated by these listings.
So, how is critical theory interpreted by those pedagogues
who are sympathetic to its claims and arguments. With an overall contextual claim, that
critical theory is the main challenge to the natural rights view – it being mostly
advanced by academics – one can place this view outside mainstream thinking
among educators and the general public.
As stated earlier, where this view does have significant support is on
the campuses of the nation’s universities and colleges.
While support is not a hundred percent, if one reviews scholarly
journals in related fields, one finds their content heavily skewed to critical
theory studies and other related topics.
In addition, they have attained editorial control over what will even be
considered for publication. This blogger
has checked out various publications and from his personal experience when was
a member of academia, he encountered this trend firsthand.
Here is an example from
the current issue of Theory and Research in Social Education,[3]
its third article, “Theorizing Necropolitics in Social Studies Education.” And to give readers a flavor, here’s is a description
of “necropolitics”:
In other words,
necropolitics is a framework that illuminates how governments assign
differential value to human life. The
closer you are to dominant power, the more your life is worth. In the United States, if you’re a straight,
white, able-bodied, cisgender, wealthy, Christian man, this is great news for
you. But the further away you are from
axes of privilege, the less your life is worth under the logics of
necropolitics – and the more precarious your existence becomes.[4]
Surely citing this
article is not enough evidence to prove the point, but let this blogger state
again, from his experience this dominance of critical pedagogy is real.
So, what then are the curricular views of critical
pedagogy? And in truth, this is a moving
target in that those who claim to be critical pedagogues, like critical
theorists, do represent a wide array of opinions and theoretical beliefs. The effort here will be to identify those
beliefs and values that all of them share.
All of them, while they do introduce sociological and
psychological ideas and concerns, share political views in terms of action or
praxis. They favor a curricular approach
that highlights student actions that are aimed at advancing justice as they
define it. And their view establishes justice
as an expression, to some meaningful degree, of equality as a prevailing societal
condition.
To be clear, equality serves
as their trump value. And in their work,
they estimate, for example, useful, efficient, and targeted efforts to advance
equality that have proven to be effective.
In addition, they do not necessarily plead for a democratic-socialist state
but do favor socialist style programs.
More specifically, they pass judgment on programs with a
forward looking bent – how do existing efforts affect society, especially the
economy, in how evenly income and wealth are distributed or how are disadvantaged
affected by implemented policies? This
blogger believes that for the majority of them, an eventual
democratic-socialist state would be preferrable.
In the meantime, they focus on the role schools should play
in this ongoing drama. In terms of
civics, a direct appeal on encouraging social activism is not considered beyond
any bounds. Part of good citizenship,
under this view, should include social activism that is targeted to secure true
equality.
Further, to administer
such a curriculum, didactic methods will not do. Instead, teachers lead (and are led by)
students in engaging in rational discourse, reflection on experiences, and,
probably most importantly, having them participate in appropriate educational
action that seek to promote social justice – that being praxis.
In this more interactive
mode of instruction a cycle is organized.
Study leads to praxis and praxis leads to study. Action is evaluated and further researched
and through that reflection leads to more action. And ultimately, students should gain the motivation
and knowledge to be proactive. That
would be in what course they deem worthy of their efforts but with a definite
and informed position concerning the alleged levels of subjugation critical
pedagogues claim are plaguing society.
Any curricular approach,
in a democracy, should do the same thing, i.e., reflect some organizing view of
the subject matter. What varies are the
substantive positions a curriculum highlights, which questions it asks, and
what information it highlights.
Therefore, as with any curricular strategy, some view of society,
governance, and politics will guide what is taught and how it is taught. So, critical pedagogues need not be defensive
that they too strive to guide what constitutes civics education.
How does all this
happen? Here’s an example: the teaching of energy. The guiding view will highly influence how this
topic is presented to students. Will the
approach harp on short-term or long-term concerns. Will it emphasize market mechanisms, its
pricing effects, its demand levels, supply levels, etc.? Or will it emphasize the effects that energy
sources have on society? The harm carbon-based
energy has on living creatures or the effects it has on climate. Or all of these? The answer lies in the mental construct one
brings to the topic.
Natural rights would
probably be more concerned with the markets short term mechanisms in which participants
are geared to secure maximum profits over the short term yet dismiss or neglect
external costs (costs that elude responsible agents – which is what usually
happens in cases of pollution) or the long-term effects of current practices –
e.g., what will happen to the environment?
Critical pedagogues are
apt to ask the following questions to initiate critical analysis:
•
How is knowledge
reproduced by schools?
•
What are the sources
of knowledge that students utilize in schools?
• How do students and
teachers resist or contest what is conveyed through their life experiences in
schools?
•
What do students and
teachers realize from their school experiences? In other words, what impact
does school have on their outlooks?
•
Whose interests are
served by the outlooks and the skills fostered by schooling?
•
When served, do these
interests move more in the direction of emancipation, equity, and social
justice, or do they move in the opposite direction?
And by the “opposite
direction” one is referring to the interests of the oppressors.
Educators,
according to this construct and in line with the above questions, should ask
themselves: how can students be
empowered to attain greater liberation, equity, and social justice through
schooling?[5]
Such a perspective assumes that the status quo falls short and even
promotes exploitation. The next posting
will pick up on this concern.
[1] William H. Schubert, Curriculum: Perspective, Paradigm, and Possibility
(New York, NY: MacMillan Publishing
Company, 1986). The commonplaces can be
defined as follows:
·
The subject matter refers to the academic
content presented in the curriculum.
·
The teacher is the professional instructor
authorized to present and supervise curricular activities within the classroom
setting.
·
Learners are defined as those individuals attending
school for the purpose of acquiring the education entailed with a particular
curriculum.
· Milieu refers to the general cultural setting and ambiance within the varied social settings found at the school site.
[2]
Those
are the areas of interests which the blog will further analyze by implementing
Aristotle’s categories of causation.
That is, concerns that are derived from the values and beliefs to which critical
theory ascribes, i.e., they will inquire into the state of affairs,
interactions, situational insights, and the capacity to act morally. To be more specific, here are these
categories described: The state of
affairs refers to the actual conditions found in schools, as opposed to
abstracted or hypothesized relations between factors or variables. Of particular concern will be dilemmas caused
by adherence to critical theory as opposed to another construct. Interactions refer to social
encounters affected by the respective constructs. Situational insights are
interpretations of encounters gleaned from analyses of practice. Capacity to act morally will be
assessments of practices judged according to good citizenship and social
capital. This is highly dependent on
cultural dispositions within a given moral outlook.
[3] Theory & Research in Social Education, 51, 1
(2023).
[4] Namata Verghese, “What Is Necropolitics? The Political Calculation of Life and Death,”
Teen Vogue (March 10, 2021, accessed April 5, 2023, https://www.teenvogue.com/story/what-is-necropolitics.
[5] Ibid.
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