While
not all political systems are federal – either from a structural
point of view or from a philosophical point of view – all systems
have to have a federal element in their makeup. That is, every
political system has to bring together the different interests or
factions that make up the polity within the geographic area under its
authority. Using functionalist language, systems must satisfy a
systems maintenance function. The people of a nation have to feel,
to some meaningful degree, federated with their fellow citizens. If
we look around the world at political systems that are finding it
difficult to sustain themselves, the basic problem is that there are
interests within their jurisdictions that don't want to “play ball”
under the binding understandings that prevail as the systems'
foundations. We might judge, in those individual cases, that those
who are balking at the mode of the prevailing politics have every
justification to do so, but that is not what concerns me here. In
the cases in question, the politics have become disruptive and
potentially dangerous for the people caught up in such disruptions.
Look at the current conditions in Egypt or Syria. Can we detect an
underlying condition or set of factors that account for the upheaval?
In
both those cases, there are either sectarian or tribal divisions in
which violent conflict reigns among groups. Now, there doesn't need
to be one hundred percent agreement among the interests or factions
of the populace, but there needs to be, again to some meaningful
level, agreement over the basic constitutional provisions which
define the “legitimate” structures and processes of the system in
question. All systems must address this concern of how well the
interests are dealing with their conflicts, not just in terms of who
is winning and losing, but in terms of the legitimacy of their
political ways of handling those conflicts.
We
Americans are not immune to these concerns. This recent crisis over
the shutdown and debt level reflects in some very basic ways this
concern. Currently, we Americans are not being paranoid to worry
over what's happening to our politics. I am not trying to overstate
this; we, as a nation, have many unifying forces that help us
overcome the more divisive aspects of our politics. But to the
extent we reflect these less than optimal conditions, we, upon
analysis, do exemplify some of the same divisive tendencies plaguing
more disrupted nations. How can one describe these tendencies?
Simply stated, modernization – a turning away from traditional ways
and beliefs – has put enormous pressure on segments of the
population that share in the traditional perspective that up until
recently characterized most nations of the world.
The
traditional perspective is noted for being religious, agricultural,
parochial, and committed to time-honored, established institutional
mores, rituals, symbols, and biases. Ever since the industrial
revolution, more and more people throughout many areas of the world
have given up, to varying degrees, on traditional ways of thinking
and behaving. While many social forces might be contributing to this
change, there exists no more meaningful one than urbanization – the
movement of vast numbers of people to cities where all the
traditional assumptions about life come into question and under
attack. If for no other reason, the cosmopolitan nature of urban
life challenges traditional beliefs, and those who are swept into
this migration to cities find the new environs opposing many
cherished beliefs and prejudices.
Consequently,
with these social evolutions, people who have not fully accepted
modern ways of thinking feel more and more under siege. They feel
their whole way of life is threatened and the resulting fear can very
well lead to extreme behaviors. This is especially true if we mix in
religious fervor as is the case in more rural areas – although many
who move to the city cling to their religious beliefs and have access
to well- organized religious outlets. With its accompanying beliefs,
this fervor is characterized by a particular belief in a highly
judgmental higher being; one that is, we are warned, disposed to
bring down upon us the harshest of punishments if we do not believe
and live according to “inspired” precepts. This latter element
in the traditional provides a very strong source of zeal toward
protecting the traditional. In many nations, many are so motivated
by this zeal that they end up expressing their anxieties by engaging
in extremely divisive politics.
So
this is the backdrop to many serious clashes. We can see it in our
own nation to some extent. I would claim that to the degree there is
any discussion of succession in our political talk, it is deeply
rooted in this basic conflict between the traditional and the modern.
And it is in this setting that I found most interesting a recently
issued report by an advisory council to the CIA. The United States
National Intelligence Council's report suggests the possibility of
non-state governing entities which are based on organized efforts in
areas such as finance, education, media, logistics, and health care.
Fed up with the inability or unwillingness of nation-state
governments to address problems and issues in areas such as those I
just listed, special arrangements are being established. Organized
around urban centers, these entities are derived from governmental
subcontracting agreements:
A
quick scan across the world reveals that where growth and innovation
have been most successful, a hybrid public-private, domestic-foreign
nexus lies beneath the miracle. These aren't states; they're
“para-states” – or, in one common parlance “special economic
zones.”1
Probably
the most noted one of these para-states is centered in Dubai. They
can be found in Africa, Middle East, and Asia. They are highly
numerous in China. My questions are, what will this do to the
conflicts fueled by threatened, traditionally minded populations;
will they exist apart from the less urban areas of nations,
unaffected and coexisting or will they add to the turmoil we already
see taking place? How can federated forces within these nations be
encouraged and strengthened so that any such development as this
apparent one will be accommodated? This is a challenge and one that
can be softened with populations that are knowledgeable and sensitive
to the need of citizens to feel federated with their fellow citizens
– yet another challenge for civics education.
In
this blog, I have presented the liberated federalism construct as a
synthesis between natural rights and critical theory. From the
natural rights, liberated federalism gets its concern for the
individual and for respecting those rights that reflect the private
domain of people's lives. From critical theory, the proposed
construct gets its concern for equality. But from the
social/political evolution we have experienced in the last fifty or
so years, liberated federalism gets its concern for a secular based
public policy. A lot of this evolution has to do with the increasing
levels of urbanization we are experiencing, a development that makes
parochial conception ever more unworkable in the diverse environments
so many people find themselves. How we account for the segments not
exposed to these new social forces – or if exposed, unwilling to
accommodate – will take highly sophisticated strategies aimed at
promoting federalist commitments among populations if national
entities are to retain any viability in the future.
1Khana,
P. (2013). The end of the nation-state? The New York Times,
October 13, Sunday Review section, p. 5.
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