I believe that a prevailing problem with the way people
think is their tendency to engage in what I call dichotomous
thinking. That is, they tend to see reality as being either one
thing or another. Philosophers write of this tendency. They use the
term duality or either/or. The problem is that reality is seldom so
simple, especially if you are discussing or considering public
policy. Unfortunately, the fate of civics education is affected by
this tendency. I referred to it in a previous posting, Convoluted
Division,1
which reported how within the field of social studies and civics,
there are those who advance the aim of promoting the heritage of the
American political system and those who advance a reconstructive
agenda, as in we need to fundamentally change our political approach
toward the distribution of public goods and public assets – such as
education. The division is made up of conservative groups –
backing the heritage side – and critical theorists – backing the
reconstructive side. So, if we take this dichotomy at face value,
one is claiming that one is either for teaching American political
values or one is arguing for fundamental changes in our political way
of doing things. On the face of it, it seems silly and childish.
But what happens if you
are for both? Take me, for example. I believe we should teach and
encourage adoption of many of our basic political values such as our
love of freedom, equality, and liberty. At the same time, I believe
that there are aspects of our accepted political mode of operation
that need to be changed. For example, I believe that the way we run
elections – especially how we draw Congressional districts –
needs changing. This, by the way, is a fundamental change, one that
needs a constitutional amendment. But this incidence of dichotomous
thinking – heritage vs. reconstruction – stands, to a significant
degree, in the way of addressing many of the issues that face civics
education. Kathleen Hall Jamieson2
writes about this very dichotomy. Let me cite, from Jamieson's
article, the writings of Amy Goodman, who captures how the division
manifests itself through more specific issues:
The first issue is
whether civic education that is publicly mandated must be minimal so
that parental choice can be maximal. The second issue concerns the
way in which publicly subsidized schools should respond to the
increasingly multicultural character of societies. The third issue
is whether democratic education should try to cultivate cosmopolitan
or patriotic sentiments among students.3
My response to all of
these issues is yes to both sides of each issue. The most difficult
issue is the first: how far should a school go to promote values at
the expense of those values advanced at home? No matter how one
feels about this issue, one is probably able to accept some
limitations on the values parents can instill as well as those
promoted at school. Neither source of instruction, for example,
should promote a criminal life style. But where the limits exist is
a serious concern and it does no good to approach such issues in an
“either/or” frame of mind. The same goes for the other issues.
If one questions extreme efforts to promote the American heritage, to
the degree that instruction addresses only American contributions to
democratic thought and glosses over such practices as slavery, one
should not be seen as an advocate of critical theory or the
reconstruction of American society. Yet a lot of the professional
discourse within the field of social studies and civics education
takes on this type of exchange.
Ronald Evans has called this state of affairs in the
field as the “social studies wars.” The problem is that the
field cannot advance when one side of this divide, the academic
contingency, has so overwhelming adopted the reconstruction position.
Critical theorists control to a large degree what is happening in
our research facilities on our higher education campuses. The rest
of the field, the bureaucracy and the teaching corps, is mostly
inattentive to the quarrel. The other side, those who promote the
American heritage side, is made up of special interests such as
certain church groups, conservative foundations, conservative
political operatives, or ideologically committed citizens. They have
a political agenda and some have significant financial resources to
bolster their positions. The Fordham Foundation publication gives a
flavor of the rhetoric that this side spews:
Evidence also
accumulated that, in the field of social studies itself, the lunatics
had taken over the asylum. Its leaders were people who had plenty of
grand degrees and impressive titles but who possessed no respect for
Western civilization; who were inclined to view America's evolution
as a problem for humanity rather than mankind's last best hope … 4
While the description of academics might be somewhat
accurate, the effect on social studies in our schools is way
overstated. As a matter of fact, Jamieson cites research that amply
documents the lack of any effect academics have on the teacher corps.
As a former teacher, I can assure you that during my twenty-five
years in two different school districts (between the years
1972-2000), I was fairly unaware that there was an academic
literature that promoted the reconstruction side of the debate. For
that matter, beyond hearing of some efforts around the country to
influence social studies instruction by the occasional conservative
group, I was not aware of any successful attempts to promote the
heritage side of the debate. For my part, I vigorously pursued a
teaching approach that attempted to have students “critically”
question American practices that flew in the face of democratic
ideals – not as a way to reconstruct our society, but as a way to
instill accepted American values such as freedom – and I can
testify that I was encouraged to do so by in-service training and
other professional literature. It wasn't until I became a doctoral
student that I was aware of the vehement nature of the “social
studies wars.”
1Posted
November 25, 2013.
2Jamieson,
K. H. (2013). The challenges facing civic education. Daedalus:
Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences,
Spring, 142 (2), pp. 65-83.
3Quoted
in Jamieson (p.70): See Goodman, A. (1999). Democratic
education. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, p. 292.
4Quoted
in Jamieson, p. 70. See
http://edexcellence.net/publications/wheredidssgowrong.html
.
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