A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, February 20, 2015

CONSIDERING WHAT IS MORAL

This blog has promoted a mental construct that reintroduces, in a serious and thought-out way, the whole subject of morality to civics instruction.  If the call is at all successful, this would call for teachers to be at least familiar with the psychological standing of moral thinking.  What do we know about moral thinking; what is its function; how innate or enculturated is moral thinking and a person’s concern for it?  Are we all wired to think morally or is it totally learned?  Is it a product of rational thought or is it a reflection of our emotions?  These are questions a teacher who is about to engage in lessons where student beliefs and feelings will be engaged, should know about and accommodate so as to have any chance at success.

Jonathan Haidt[1] has reported, both his and others’ research and theorizing, on these very questions.  He points out that the lineage of this research has gone through an evolution.  Tracing this history reveals what probably constitutes our intuitive notions about moral thinking.  To begin, is morality and our concern over it something we are born with, a nature thing, or is it something we learn, a nurture thing?  The first is known as a nativist notion and the latter is an empiricist notion.  He dismisses either one of these choices as being a “false choice” between them.  Since the 1980s, the field of psychology that studies this has favored a third option:  rationalism.  Rationalism grows from the developmental work of Jean Piaget.  This line of research and theorizing was later picked up by Lawrence Kohlberg and later still by Elliot Turiel.  Simplified, the explanation is that moral thinking is the product of individuals figuring out moral situations as they grow through childhood and then into their post puberty years.  Apparently, according to this view, a person’s ability and need to develop a moral understanding are highly dependent on the person’s level of abstract thinking.  Kohlberg offered, and I was taught in my teacher preparation training, a model of moral development.  The three scholars are known as developmental psychologists, and the Kohlberg model traces a person’s march through stages of moral thinking.  There are six individual steps, through three stages, of moral commitments.  Not everyone goes through all six; actually most people get “stuck” at stage three or four.  In general, the stages have a person committing moral allegiance to ever larger levels of moral fidelity to larger and even abstract populations:  from self to immediate groups (family) to large abstract groups (nation) to abstract ideals (equality of human kind).  Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King were given as examples of individuals who went all the way to the sixth stage.  Whether you agree with this designation or not, they were two individuals who gave up their lives for “the cause.”  The fact that all of us are prone to this development, at all, suggests a level of nature having a role in our moral development.  But given that this process is not at all automatic in terms of how far a given individual develops, indicates that nurture also has a role.

Haidt reports that he was not satisfied with this model; that it did not, for him, answer all aspects of moral thinking.  He cites the work of psychological anthropologists.  In order to understand Haidt’s concern, we have to keep in mind that the developmentalists put large stock in individuals “figuring out” what is moral based on the universal disdain for hurting others.  The reasoned basis for such disdain is the simple fact that a person doesn’t want to be hurt and so the likelihood of being hurt is greatly diminished by not hurting others, in that there is universal agreement based on simple human relations.  But that simple notion does not explain the variations that exist among societies over what is moral and what is not.  And here the study becomes more complicated:  there are developed and lesser-developed societies; there are traditional and modern societies; there are literate and non-literate societies.  And sure enough, there are patterns one can detect among societies that fall on either side of each of these divides.  Not only that, but within each society, there are divides among classifications such as class and age.  So there seems to be more going on than stages of development or the ability to think abstractly.

Haidt, using the research of Richard Shweder, began testing the opposing models of moral thinking against that of the developmentalists.  Borrowing Turiel’s and Shweder’s research techniques, giving subjects short moral “stories” and asking subjects from different societal, class, and age designations what they thought was moral or immoral, Haidt was able to make distinctions between what was considered immoral or just offensive behavior that transgressed social conventions.  For example:
While walking, a man saw a dog sleeping on the road.  He walked up to it and kicked it. …

A young married woman went alone to see a movie without informing her husband.  When she returned home her husband said, “If you do it again, I will beat you black and blue.”  She did it again; he beat her black and blue.  (Judge the husband.) …

In a family, a twenty-five-year-old son addressed his father by his first name.[2]
Haidt found that in the first story, both Americans and members of traditional, non-Western, society saw kicking the dog as immoral.  The Americans found beating the wife as immoral, but not so among the traditional subjects.  And the traditional subjects saw as immoral the familiarity expressed by the son toward his father, but Americans did not.  Here were cases (the first and the third case) that harm was not inflicted to another human, but immorality was deemed to characterize all three situations by at least some of the subjects and a distinction arose over conventional views regarding respect and conventional roles.  Along with questions of respect, there are also, the research shows, concerns over what is considered disgusting.  What the research seems to indicate is that there are cultural factors at work, most notably differences between societies that are individualistic – such as Western countries in the more extreme levels – where the interests of the individual most likely will trump the interests of the group/society and sociocentric societies – such as traditional societies – where the interests of the group trump the interests of the individual.  In general, groups lacking in Western educational backgrounds tend to make clear distinctions between conventional concerns and moral ones; that among the social factors that contribute to this first distinction is class; and, very important, these distinctions held up when researchers controlled for perceptions of what caused harm – that is, when compared, members of lower classes seemed more readily to conflate conventional taboos with moral dictums even when the situations clearly did not cause anyone harm.

So, in summary, culture does have a role in determining morality.  At times, people have gut feelings about what is disgusting or disrespectful and this, in turn, will affect what is seen as immoral, and while self-construction of what is moral has a role, it doesn’t explain all of what is seen as moral or immoral.  And with that complex cauldron, I still want teachers to delve into what is moral and immoral when teaching civics and government!



[1] Haidt, J.  (2012).  The righteous mind:  Why good people are divided by politics and religion.  New York, NY:  Pantheon Books.

[2] Ibid., p. 16.

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