A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Tuesday, November 19, 2019

A LACK OF PRODUCTIVE CONCERN


This blog has often made the claim that since the years following World War II, this nation has shifted from holding federalism – as a mental construct describing and explaining its governance and politics – as the dominant construct in favor of the natural rights construct.  Its writer has hinted at evidence through many postings that support this claim.  Most of that evidence has been anecdotal. 
In the political science literature, this writer is not aware of reductionist studies – studies that have delineated relevant variables in independent/dependent hypothetical formats which are then tested – concerning this claim.  He has cited the work of respected theoretical scholars that report on the role federalism has played in American politics – e.g., Daniel J. Elazar.  Their work, in turn, is based on empirical as well as historical studies. 
But despite this state, this blog writer feels he can cite the work of social scientists, respected social commentators, and respected journalists when their work seems to support or refute this claim.  He believes the journalist, Sam Quinones, provides, in his book reviewing the explanatory elements of the opioid crisis,[1] evidence that seem to indicate that the social/political landscape of the US has gone through serious transformation in the history of this nation since World War II.
This posting limits its commentary to Quinones’ introduction to his review of what he found to be the current conditions in the US.  What seems to have particularly changed in America is the segments of the population that is being victimized by illicit use of drugs.  This blogger remembers when he was young, what constituted the nation’s drug problem.  During the fifties, the problem was an urban one and, in terms of heroin, was limited to jazz musicians.
Since then, of course, a lot has happened.  In terms of drugs, the sixties saw an upshot of drug taking – mostly marijuana and psychedelics – among college students.  Then there were soldiers coming home from Vietnam with heroin addictions – the drug was easily obtained in that country.  Later, there was the popularity of cocaine and crack.  But all of that has, in the US, been by-passed in terms of the numbers of users and in terms of the extent of health issues including deaths resulting from the use of opioids.
Today, that class of drugs accounts for more deaths than car accidents which was the major cause of accidental deaths for decades.  Easily, one can see how Quinones judges this more current scourge of opioids – in the form of pain killers and heroin – as the worse one this nation has ever experienced.  And yet, until recently and still to a certain extent, this tragedy has been relatively invisible.  And that not only refers to its rate of incidence, but also in terms of its victims – knowledge of who and where they are.
It is true that the incidence of opioid consumption seems to be concentrated in certain areas, but these areas of numerous and one can consider this plague a truly national one.  Some of the areas where kids are dying include the Rust Belt of Ohio, the Bible Belt of Tennessee, and areas of Southern California including Mission Viejo and Simi Valley. 
Cities hit by this drug epidemic vary; they include Salt Lake City, Indianapolis, and Albuquerque.  Clustered cases can be found in northwestern states, southern states, and mid-western states – Oregon, Minnesota, Oklahoma, and Alabama.  And in these areas, there are numerous deaths, but also, for each death, there are hundreds of addicts.
That’s an idea of the where; here’s the who:
Kids got hooked in college and died there.  Some of these addicts were from rough corners of rural Appalachia.  But many more were from the U.S. middle class.  They lived in communities where the driveways were clean, the cars were new, and the shopping centers attracted congregations of Starbucks, Home Depot, CVS, and Applebee’s.  They were the daughters of preachers, the sons of cops and doctors, the children of contractors and teachers and business owners and bankers.
          And almost every one was white.[2]
          And what is the connection of this tragedy to the claim that this nation has drifted from federalist thinking?  A federalist based political culture might not have totally avoided the growth of this epidemic.  During years in which federalism was dominant, the nation suffered from an alcohol epidemic.  No, the number of deaths attributed to that earlier problem does not compare, but the nation’s experiment with Prohibition was not initiated without cause. 
But that problem was faced and known among the general population – even Tocqueville wrote of local efforts to address it back in the 1830s.  He wrote:  “Societies are formed which regard drunkenness as the principal cause of the evils under which the State labours, and which solemnly bind themselves to give a constant example of temperance.”[3]  Under a nation with a federalist outlook, such a problem would not be allowed to hide.
Yes, of late, one can find news items concerning the opioid crisis.  Most of them have to do with the legal liabilities facing drug companies that aggressively marketed these opioid products.  Much rarer are stories of local communities facing the problem and actively combatting it – at least on the national news broadcasts.  In that demonstrable apathy, one finds a significant negative effect that the shift away from federalism represents.  This social problem needs, if not demands, a more communal and collaborative approach to face its challenges, challenges that include treatment, law enforcement, counseling, and moral support.


[1] Sam Quinones, Dreamland:  The True Tale of America’s Opiate Epidemic (New York, NY:  Bloomsbury Publishing, 2015).

[2] Ibid., 7 (Kindle edition).

[3] Alexi de Tocqueville, “Political Structure of Democracy,” in Alexis de Tocqueville:  On Democracy, Revolution, and Society, eds. John Stone and Stephen Mennell (Chicago, IL:  Chicago University Press, 1980/1835), 78-101, 78-79.

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