A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, October 16, 2015

SO YOU’RE NOT A NAIL

I want to continue the topic I introduced in my last posting: power-coercive change strategies.  Basically, this type of change is a type that depends on subjects doing what someone, a change agent, wants them to do in order to avoid experiencing a punishment.[1]  This punishment can take the form of a physical, financial, emotional, reputational, or other type of harm.  As I indicated toward the end of the last posting, this effort will look at more specific power-coercive strategies.  They are non-violent, political power, and Marxian approaches.

Those change strategies that are referred to as non-violent have a rich history over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.  We first encounter the idea of non-violent change strategy in the writings of Henry David Thoreau in the mid-1800s. But its first application can be noted in the work of Mahatma Gandhi as he led the movement that eventually broke the imperial hold that Great Britain had over India.  That movement finally secured India’s independence in 1947.  Since then, here in the US, the civil rights movement, under the leadership of Martin Luther King, applied many of the strategies inspired by Gandhi in the 1950s and 60s.

There are two prerequisites to this approach:  one, the conditions that are to be changed need to be seen as unjust or extremely unfair by significant numbers within the relevant population and, two, the groups or organizations (private or public) in which change is sought have to be susceptible to some loss which is also, in some way, accessible to the change faction who can use it as leverage.  So, in the case of the early civil rights movement, a bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama proved effective in giving the movement a much needed symbolic victory and was first to put into prominence a young King who was elevated to lead the protest.[2]  If the goal is simply to implement a change – change agents satisfied with a change that might not be accepted emotionally by those who have to live with the change – then a power-coercive strategy is good enough.  But if the change advocates depend on a moral value rationale for their efforts, they might also want those subjected by the change to have a change of heart.  They might want to create a collaborative relationship with the subjects.  If so, then power-coercive will not be enough.  Initial change will then have to be followed up with a normative-re-educative strategy (the subject of my next posting).

The second type of power-coercive strategy is the political power approach.  Political power strategies are those that are administered by those in authority.  Let us assume, for the purposes of just looking at the dynamics of this type of strategy, that the change agent is someone in authority and that authority is accepted as legitimate.  Here, the punishment element can take on several guises.  They can be sanctions, fines, loss of monetary rewards such as grant moneys, or even imprisonment.  But these types of changes are usually not so clean and simple.  Usually, if the change is significant, provocative, and/or multidimensional, then follow up is needed.  For example, such a change might need training so that the subject will have the skills to implement and perform the change to satisfactory levels.  In those cases, it is not just a matter of some underling verbally agreeing to do something differently, but having to engage in time consuming and unpleasant activities in order to learn a skill or otherwise arrange for restructuring or some other movement of personnel.  If one adds reluctance of any kind on the part of the subject, one is considering a costly transitional process.  This is not only costly, but dependent on a certain level of willing cooperation.  Again, one is probably talking about instituting a normative-re-educative addition to the initial change process.

The third strategy type one can consider under the power-coercive category is the Marxian approach.  This approach presupposes that in the location in which the change is sought, there exists an established intellectual “field.”  That is, those involved are under the view promulgated by those in charge, the elites.  This field is controlled by class-based elites (it might be elites who are defined as being ethnic, gender, nationality, age, or sexual preference based).  In controlling the field, the elites define the parameters of the field.  They determine what is legitimate or not.  Marxian aim is to change this very reality; i.e., the effort is to fundamentally inflict a social change so that those who are being abused by the existing order will adopt a new class (ethnic, gender, nationality, age, or sexual preference) consciousness.  I wrote of this process of change in earlier postings when I described and explained the basic argument of Paulo Freire in his book, Pedagogy of the Oppressed.[3]  Those who advocate this strategy speak of holding, through this type of consciousness change, truer democratic values.  Whatever it is considered, one would augment the implementation of changed policy in which a heavy dose of normative-re-educative efforts to engender the type of consciousness which is being sought.[4]

As you can detect, when we talk about any extensive plan of change, a coercive form of power seems to fall short.  In each of these three more specific approaches, change, in order to be meaningful and lasting, needs to be supplemented by normative-re-educative processes.  My next posting will take a close look at this other type of change.



[1] Based on the theoretical work:  Chin, R. and Benne, K. D.  (1985).  General strategies for effecting changes in human systems.  In W. G. Bennis, K. D. Benne, and R. Chin (Eds.), The Planning of Change (pp. 22-45).  New York, NY:  Holt, Rinehart, Winston.

[2] Actual change in the bus service that had discriminated against African-Americans was accomplished by a Supreme Court decision that ordered the desegregation of the Montgomery buses.

[3] See blog posting, Teaching Aim of Critical Pedagogy, May 11, 2011.  Available upon request.

[4] This type of “education” is not as heavy-handed as it might sound.  You are encouraged to look at Freire’s approach to education to see what is being considered.  This is not to say that in countries where Marxists have taken power that they have not used drastic and very authoritarian modes of re-education.

No comments:

Post a Comment