A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, May 2, 2014

SIX CHANGES TO CONSIDER

Not so long ago I recommended, as a useful pastime, the creative exercise of devising amendments to our constitution. I “proposed” two amendments as the kind of thing I was suggesting. I even tried to write them as they would appear in their final form. I must admit the selection of the appropriate language is harder than coming up with the idea for one in the first place. Well, a far more influential voice than mine did exactly what I suggested although I am sure he came up with the idea all on his own. In a recently published book, former Supreme Court justice, John Paul Stevens, proposes six amendments. I have read the language the justice uses and it's a pleasure to see the work of a true professional. My intent here is to share these proposed changes to our basic law, as reported in a news account, but I want to first offer a short argument as to the timing of Justice Steven's efforts. Each of these proposed amendments deserves a response by each of us and I will offer mine in future postings.

As I have written often in this blog, changing the constitution is difficult. It's so difficult that any single attempt should be looked at as being highly unlikely to succeed – if you are a betting person, the rational choice is to bet against it being eventually ratified. But historically, if we look at a time in history when such efforts were successful – outside of the ratification of the first ten amendments, the Bill of Rights, and successful a multitude of times, two time periods come to the fore. First is the time period immediately after the Civil War. Then the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments were ratified. When a nation goes through an experience that caused the death of about 750,000 – both in combat and from other causes – then it seems that the nation would be in the mood to see what needs changing so that such a catastrophe does not happen again. Of course, many would argue that the changes entailed with these amendments were forced down the collective throat of the South. Be that as it may, they were ratified within a relatively short amount of time – five years. The second period that comes to mind is during what is considered the Progressive Era. Four amendments were added during that time: Sixteenth, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth Amendments. All four were ratified in the years from 1913 to 1919. Not all of them can be attributed to the national consensus over progressive ideals. The Eighteenth, empowering the federal government to establish prohibition, was not, in my judgment, a product of progressivism, but the other amendments seem to be directly a result of the progressive political forces striving to achieve a more democratic polity. Consider the substantive issues: Sixteenth, establishment of the federal income tax, Seventeenth, direct elections of senators, and Nineteenth, extending the franchise to women. And nothing motivated that drive more than concerns over the concentration of wealth that was occurring during the years leading up to the end of the 19th Century. That sort of thing should sound familiar to us living in the beginning of the 21st Century. We are again facing a distribution of income and wealth skewed, to an unsavory degree, to the “one percenters.”

So, what are these amendments being offered by Justice Stevens? As reported by USA Today, they are: 1. “Changing the Second Amendment to make clear that only a state's militia has a constitutional right to bear arms;” 2. “Changing the Eighth Amendment's prohibition against 'cruel and unusual punishments' by including the death penalty;” 3. “Removing from First Amendment protection any 'reasonable limits' on campaign spending enacted by Congress or the states;” 4. “Requiring that congressional and state legislative districts be 'compact and composed of contiguous territory' to promote fair competition;” 5. “Eliminating states' sovereign immunity from liability for violating the Constitution or an act of Congress, which he calls a 'manifest injustice';” and 6. “Allowing Congress to require states to perform federal duties in emergencies.”1 I know, just as with the case of prohibition, not all of these amendments address the concentration of wealth issue, but I just feel the issue can serve to put us in the mood for change.

I see that Justice Steven addresses one of my concerns that I expressed with my proposed amendments: the concern for reform in our election processes and structures. This does relate to wealth in that current law and political conditions serve the monied interests. Congressional districts as drawn do favor one party over the other and led to the fact that even though the Democrats received over a million more votes nationally in 2012 House elections, they still were not able to gain control. Given how the rich spent their campaign contributions, I judge the outcome to have been in their favor. Justice Stevens addresses election reform from the perspective of Congressional districts – in number 4. While the justice attacked one aspect of the problem, my approach takes on a more comprehensive view by setting up a commission. As I stated in the previous posting:
Proposed amendment two:
1 - The power to administer national elections is vested in a national election commission. The commission is comprised of seven members. The commission is to:
administer federal government's duties related to the election determining the members of the Congress, the President, and the Vice President;
determine the boundaries of the Congressional districts;
administer a non-partisan informational and promotional program to encourage active participation on the part of the citizenry.
2 - The electoral commission is comprised of members who serve seven year terms and will serve as long as they maintain lawful status. The terms of members will be established as staggered with one new member selected every year. Each member is selected by one of various bodies consisting of the House of Representatives, the Senate, the President, the Supreme Court, the chief officer of the Department of State, the chief officer of the Department of Justice, and the active members of the sitting electoral commission.
3 - Members of the election commission are limited to one full term of seven years. Those initial members whose terms are fewer than seven years can be reappointed for one full term.
4 - Congress shall pass necessary legislation to administer this provision.2
Whether or not this effort is worth considering, the attempt, I believe, shows what all an amendment must address. As I mentioned above, the language is tricky. I can hear you: don't give up my day job. Luckily, I'm retired.

Given the stature of Justice Stevens, we should give his proposals our attention and I look forward to seeing if they are given the attention they deserve. Perhaps his timing is timely.

1Wolf, R. (2014). Former justice Stevens wants to change the Constitution. The Tallahassee Democrat, April 22, Section B, pp. 1-2, citations for all the amendments on p. 2B.

2This proposed amendment was included in my posting for February 3, 2014, entitled A Better Way?

Monday, April 28, 2014

BETTER TOGETHER?

With the idea of secession popping up from time to time, a civics teacher might want to address this issue straight on. Not only is it something that is mentioned on the news, as when Governor Rick Perry who back in 2009 stated that his state, Texas, might secede from the union, but it is a topic that reflects the very reasons that smaller governmental entities join together – when they become federated. Of course, we fought a Civil War over this issue when southern states attempted to cut their political ties with Washington back in 1861. But it also brings to the fore the basic set of issues that a relatively small jurisdiction takes into account when the question is: should we join (or stay part of) a larger jurisdiction? When a civics teacher entertains this issue in class, it is the next best thing to having his/her students be able to attend the Constitutional Convention or the ratifying conventions of the late eighteenth century that resulted in our constitution. Further, to aid such a study would be a look at a contemporary example and there just so happens to be one.1

The people of Scotland have an upcoming election. There is one dominant question on the ballot: should Scotland remain part of Great Britain? Scotland became part of Great Britain as a result of a messy process that took about 100 years and ended in 1707. In that year, the Acts of Union were finalized and Scotland formally joined England, Wales, and Ireland to form what we now call Great Britain – of course, most of Ireland has since broken away leaving only Northern Ireland remaining in the British union. The Scots have had a healthy segment of their population maintaining a desire to regain independence. But a desire for separation is not unanimous among the Scots. The upcoming vote has already proved to be contentious with vigorous debate, name calling, and active campaigns by both sides. The current momentum seems to be heading in the direction toward independence. But there is sufficient time for either side to win.

The side that is working to keep Scotland in the union seems to be stressing economic arguments. An independent Scotland faces many uncertainties. Will it be able to use the pound as its currency? If not, will Scotland adopt the euro – assuming the European Union will allow this? Will it be able to establish and maintain public pensions and public assistance programs? How about its very popular national health care? Will Great Britain maintain common market relations with the new nation or will it set up tariffs and other hindrances to trade between the two nations? If there are hindrances, what will that do to what promises to be – at least for the initial period – a fragile economy?

And what of the new nation's political standing? Domestically, will the smaller polity fall victim to single or limited faction politics about which James Madison warned us? That is, if the jurisdiction is small, it is very likely to contain one or two relatively large factions that will be able to control its politics for the benefits of the limited interests factions. Or, stated another way, the politics of that state will be highly undemocratic.

Internationally, a new nation faces challenges. Yes, I believe Scotland will readily get recognition from all European nations and from the US. And I don't think anyone sees any problems with it being allowed into the United Nations. But how about NATO? How about the European Union – what if the Scots want membership? Apparently, one of the issues driving the Scots toward separation is a desire to escape the more conservative government of the British and get politically closer to more liberal Europe. If so, how will London respond to this potential drift? No, I don't see any danger of armed conflict or anything like that, but a new nation needs active support from its historical neighbors and partners in order to meet the daunting challenges of establishing a new independent state.

But voting citizens might not take all of these concerns into account, because I believe the final decision will be more reflective of emotions than reason. If you are a Scot, the pride in establishing your own independence is a heady proposition. You will be part of the founding generation. So what adds enough emotional impetus for such a move? Do the majority of Scot voters feel sufficiently that they are a different people than the rest of the population making up the British union? Has the discussion over whether to break from London maintained a rational language or has the debate reached the point where an aura has developed and whatever is said both sides will manipulate it to mean what they see as being favorable for their position? For example: “[The] 'no' [pro independence] campaign emphasizes the negative, and the sense that the English are patronizing the Scots as ineffectual and incompetent also feeds the independence campaign, stirring indignation.”2 When the debate reflects this type of interpretation, then added discussion just further solidifies and even intensifies whatever leanings a particular person might initially have.

Just to let you know, the vote is scheduled for September 18. There is still time for either side to launch a winning argument. But this debate symbolizes what is at stake when the question of whether a small jurisdiction should join or remain within a larger jurisdiction occurs. Seeing what is happening in Scotland is probably highly similar to what happened in our original states as each had its ratifying convention and debated over whether to join the proposed federal union of the United States. As in Scotland, those concerns were varied and included: by joining, how much of a people's way of life is in danger of being compromised or eliminated? What are the benefits in terms of that smaller entity's economy – more stable economic institutions and a larger unobstructed market? Or is the political union between a larger entity and a smaller one a way for certain vested interests to exploit the business interests or labor groups of the smaller jurisdiction? Why would the smaller entity join such a union if the aim is exploitation? The “marriage” could be pulled off by bought out interests who have inordinate influence and are in the position to secure or maintain the union. That is one of the claims that pro independence advocates say happened in Scotland and London back in 1707.

One way to approach this study is for students to compare and contrast two histories: one, that of the union between Texas – since its governor suggested secession and there was a previous attempt to secede – and the United States government and, two, the union between Scotland and the government of Great Britain. Of course, such a study could take all year, so teachers, so inclined, need to prepare enough material for students to review and also prepare targeted questions that will guide students to the concerns I have outlined above.

In such a study, certain concepts should be highlighted. I would emphasize that any future proposed breakaways need not lead to war or violent confrontation. Apparently, Britain has developed a peaceful means of deciding whether Scotland will remain in the United Kingdom – they're voting on the question. In the US, there also exists a peaceful way. If Texas or any other state wishes to leave us, it would call for a constitutional amendment. This is not an easy process and is one that is most likely to fail – but that is the way it should be. If the process were to be easy and states would begin to peel off, then the concerns of Abraham Lincoln should be considered. For example, if the South were to have been allowed to unilaterally decide and actually secede from the Union back in 1861, then the future of our democratic experiment would come under serious jeopardy. There is strength in numbers to accomplish all sorts of things and that includes democracy and republican based governance.

1The facts reported in this posting regarding the example in question, that of Scotland, were derived from: Erlander, S. and Bennhold, K. (2014). Scots ponder: Should they stay or should they go? The New York Times, April 27, Front Page/International section, p. 6.

2Ibid.