A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, December 4, 2020

THE NECESSITY OF EMPATHY

 

[Note:  From time to time, this blog issues a set of postings that summarize what the blog has been emphasizing in its previous postings.  Of late, the blog has been looking at various obstacles civics educators face in teaching their subject.  It’s time to post a series of such summary accounts.  The advantage of such summaries is to introduce new readers to the blog and to provide a different context by which to review the blog’s various claims and arguments.  This and upcoming summary postings will be preceded by this message.]

 While many people will readily believe that this nation, as any nation, probably has a number of incubating problems, they might question why they should really care.  Afterall, if they are incubating, they probably don’t have much of an effect on the quality of their lives.  But such problems can be, according to the journalist Ezra Klein, social/political explosives just waiting to burst on the scene and their ability to effect people can be extensive. 

Problems of racial relations, opioid use, loss of jobs to foreign producers, laws concerning firearms, tax policies and their effects on equality, abortion rights, etc. are or have been such problems.  Realization of such developments should encourage prudent citizens to know them and address them. 

In that vein, one would be helped to know why incubation of problems occurs.  It turns out and makes sense that a lack of empathy plays an important role.  This posting looks at why this is the case.  According to Klein and backed up by such experts as the American neuro-endocrinologist, Robert Sapolsky, it is difficult to engender empathy for people who do not belong to one’s defining, identity groupings.

          Relevant to this general condition, people view their identity along various domains.  They include the often-cited categories – e.g., race, nationality, ethnicity – but also less thought of classifications – class, careers, social relationships, religion, etc.  And with those categories in mind, when one considers the ever-present realities of life, most prominently the conditions of scarcity, one can see that economic/political conflicts are part of life. 

And often, people cannot resist defining such conflicts in terms of identity.  Both in terms of one’s emotions and what one sees as truth, identity classifications simplify those aspects of life both cognitively and emotionally.  Adding to the relevant mix of factors – factors that cause scarcity and factors that affect how people see scarcity and other social conditions – are ways people are disposed to define their identity.

          In turn, those factors not only determine membership, but also exclusion.  They assist one to identify those who don’t belong to one’s grouping.  The excluded lack some physical, social, economic, aesthetic, or some such quality or condition.  Those other people are seen not as individuals but as reflecting believed – often inaccurately – attributes that somehow “explain” any shortcomings they might be experiencing.  

These shortcomings might include full allocation of civil rights, economic standing, social recognition, or some combination of these types of rights or benefits.  For example, poverty, under such thinking, results from laziness; unjust treatment by authority figures results from criminal tendencies; unfair labor treatment results from illegal status such as is the case for many immigrants.  The point is these problems under the rubric of identity thinking targets groups, not individuals. 

Therefore, two levels of faulty thinking take place:  believing incorrect information and attributing inaccurately supposed group attributes (that might or might not exist) to individuals.  Or stated in more common language, people engage in prejudicial judgements.

Is this natural for people to do?  Yes and no.  It is natural for people to believe well of or empathize with people who belong to one’s perceived identity group; it is natural to not empathize and to hold in suspicion those who do not belong to one’s group.  Yet, to not empathize with other people proves to be inefficient and contrary to the common good. 

It stands in the way – through a variety of dysfunctional social arrangements and processes – of benefiting from the potential these perceived “other” people could contribute.  And given the realities of reciprocity, one can see how unjust treatment emanating from a lack empathy can lead to all sorts of social problems.

So, how can one encourage empathy?  What seems logical is for educators to plan and to implement appropriate civics instruction that at least approaches an important accomplishment.  That is, it identifies and respects what is natural; that is, the instruction recognizes the existence of prejudicial tendencies and does not underestimate the power of their influence.  People are prone to, in part, define their social world in terms of Us vs. Them. 

This suggests that, one, lessons need to point out this tendency and instruct students as to its inaccuracy.  Two, point out that a belief in these inaccuracies leads to inefficiencies not least of which is a less than an optimal economy that can miss providing many potential opportunities.  And three, provide instruction that exposes students firsthand to as many relevant realities as are possible and safe.

This third goal reflects another factor.  It turns out that empathy occurs more readily by experiences that expose a person to the actual, relevant events or conditions.  In the ideal, teaching a student about how migrant workers are treated would be greatly enhanced by students actually spending some time with these workers.  Short of that, videos of their treatment would be helpful.  Just reading about it would be less helpful.  The fuller the exposure is, the more likely an empathetic response will occur, and the more powerful the instructive impact will be.

So, to remind the reader of the initial question of this posting – why care about incubating problems? – the answer has to do with the practical concerns of what results from mistreated and mis-defined members of the polity.  Those problems are affecting significant numbers within the nation. 

That is, a society that harbors an inability to empathize with all identity groups making up the populous – or more accurately, with the individuals who makeup those groups – leads to dysfunctional conditions.  Those conditions are legal, political, social, and economic in nature.  It happens to be a losing proposition on many fronts.

Tuesday, December 1, 2020

THE ANGLO-SAXON INFLUENCE

 

[Note:  From time to time, this blog issues a set of postings that summarize what the blog has been emphasizing in its previous postings.  Of late, the blog has been looking at various obstacles civics educators face in teaching their subject.  It’s time to post a series of such summary accounts.  The advantage of such summaries is to introduce new readers to the blog and to provide a different context by which to review the blog’s various claims and arguments.  This and upcoming summary postings will be preceded by this message.]

This blog currently is looking at the effect identity, that factor that defines a person (for example, as an Irish American), has had on polarizing the American public.  While this has become particularly virulent, identity always exerts itself in politics.  It is ubiquitous.  And it is not only in politics but in other realms of life.  Take sports.  There, teams count on identities based on localities or educational linkages to sell tickets or paraphernalia to a fan base which results in gobs of money for those teams.

          Usually, such expression does not cause any or much antagonism – yes, there are the occasional fights and strains, but they are usually considered a source of good-natured ribbing or put downs.  One usually speaks of “bragging rights” if one’s team wins.  But of late, the identity factor is being expressed in the political arena seriously and persistently.  And when ethnicity, race, and/or nationality serve as its source, identity, as the historian Schlesinger warns, threatens to debase the nation’s unity.[1]

          Of course, this usually is related to immigration, but it also has to do with race relations, an ongoing source of animosity and violence in the nation’s history.  And it does represent, among unjustly treated people (due to their identity), legitimate protests – e.g., the Black Lives Matter movement. 

But a troubling question is:  to what extent should immigrant, racial, or indigenous groups divorce themselves from the nation’s overarching cultural base?  That is an argument that multi-culturalists pose and its aimed at the adoption of the Anglo-Saxon cultural base – the base upon which the nation’s culture has developed.

That base, it should be remembered, has provided the basic constitutional structures, processes, and legalities upon which the nation rests.  Of course, this reliance has not of necessity staved off influences from other cultures.  And the nation has during the years of its existence entertained and adopted elements of those other traditions. 

Most of them are aesthetics in nature.  Influences in food, music, art, and so on have been a continuous part of the American story.  But in addition, there are other areas – beyond aesthetics – in which varying cultural influences have made their marks.  For example, the whole notion of professional policing originates with the Romans, not with the Anglo-Saxons.

          But today’s expression of heightened allegiance to some political/national/ethnic based identity – an allegiance approaching or expressing a tribalism – does not originate from a communal sense.  It instead stems from an extreme individualism and, as such, reflects a nuanced concern.  David Brooks makes this connection.[2]  He explains how individualism allows for uninhibited natural motivations to go unchecked and part of that package of dispositions is to favor one’s tribe and to degrade other “tribes” – other nationalities, ethnicities, and/or races. 

The classic Us vs. Them mentality is spurred by such thinking.  And consequently, it becomes the fuel that feeds the polarization the nation faces.  One should point out, counterintuitively, and ironically, it serves to undermine the basic individualism that brings it to the fore. 

That is, the individual is subsumed under resulting movements by which this identity is expressed.  Again, the historian Schlesinger warns that the individual is absorbed into a united expression of national, racial, and/or ethnic messaging and his/her personage is subsumed with that process.  The analogy, a silly one, that illustrates the point, might be how people lose their identity when they apply makeup that exhibits team colors to the point one cannot identify who they are.

          But one should not misidentify this allegiance.  It is not an example of commitment.  It instead reflects a type of transaction.  The exchange is this mindless devotion to the source of the identity for an enhanced ego.  “I belong to this group, and it makes me special” is the basic message one projects.  Shouting “USA, USA” when so motivated is basically one that proclaims the shouter’s importance; he/she is an American and, therefore, superior.

And when this is expressed in terms of a nation, one can discover the main difference between patriotism and nationalism.  Patriotism promotes a sense of commitment that one is willing to sacrifice for the common good within the context of one’s nation.  Nationalism, instead, calls for sacrifice so as to be able to promote an expression of oneself. 

The main difference lies in this ultimate targeting, but one can describe it practically:  with patriotism one can protest what one’s nation does if what it does hurts the common good, where nationalism does not allow such a divergence from national policy or for some leader.

As for the Anglo-Saxon influence, why should one be an adherent to its provisions or basic ideals?  First, it should not be seen as a static entity.  It has a long history of evolving even before arriving on these shores.  It either adopted or developed those ideas and ideals that became this nation’s basic constitutional framework and not all of that originated in Britain.  And, in part, that framework calls for a commitment to a union of volunteers that comprises the American republic and its basic values and norms.

Within its tenets, it establishes a partnered arrangement among those volunteers to work toward the common good – a more perfect union.  And the path toward establishing this partnering was not arrived at smoothly.  Religious tribalism predated the other forms mentioned above.  Intolerance among the different Christian sects was common, not to mention the antagonism toward Jews.[3]  

But through them, usually for practical reasons, the evolving cultural base found itself accepting more variance within the population.  And with that, a level of secularization gained ground.

By doing so, that commitment to a partnered populous eventually became institutionalized.  Its adoption to a meaningful degree did not take hold until well into the nation’s history.  This commitment assumes and holds that any polarization in which the populous is divided into two uncompromising alliances – which religious divisions resembled – serves as an antagonistic expression to those federated ideals. 

It is instead a form of tribalism while the Anglo-Saxon based tradition – the one this nation inherited in a more crude form from the British in the eighteenth century and grew through complex developments – calls for a committed congregational arrangement.[4]  The two, the partnered view vs. the nationalist view,  are basically different.



[1] Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Disuniting of America:  Reflections on a Multicultural Society (New York, NY:  W. W. Norton and Company, 1992).

[2] David Brooks, The Second Mountain:  The Quest for a Moral Life (New York, NY:  Random House, 2019).

[3] Kenneth C. Davis, “America’s True History of Religious Tolerance,” Smithsonian Magazine, October 2010, accessed November 1, 2020, https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/americas-true-history-of-religious-tolerance-61312684/#:~:text=In%20the%20storybook%20version%20most,followed%2C%20for%20the%20same%20reason.

[4] More specifically, this congregational tradition stems from the Puritanical influence that in effect were being encouraged to leave Great Britain in the 1600s.  But one can argue, the established view of formal religion reflected the Roman Catholic Church’s vertical structure while the Puritanical congregation more closely reflected a traditional Anglo-Saxon tradition.  It is their congregational bias that seems to have encouraged the federal structure of the US, with its supporting processes, that this nation implemented.