A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, April 17, 2015

DUE SENTIMENTALITY

A recurring concept used in this blog has been social capital.  I have borrowed the idea from the writings of Robert D. Putnam.[1]  I described it as follows:  “[Putnam] defines social capital as a societal quality characterized by having an active, public-spirited citizenry, egalitarian political relations, and a social environment of trust and cooperation.”  This posting focuses on the latter part of this quote, “a social environment of trust and cooperation.”  I want to put a bit of substance in that notion.  How does this environment come about?  Is it basically a feel-good, fluffy image that is beyond the realities of modern life? Or is it an ideal that is, if beyond complete attainment, something we as a people can strive for and make progress toward?  This blog is dedicated, to a great deal, on the assumption that this quality is a viable goal and that civics education is one tool in that effort.

It is helpful to think about how to conceptualize trust and cooperation.  I have, in several postings, expressed the idea that trust is not something that is freely given.   On more than one occasion, I have stated that trust is something that should be earned; one should not just trust whomever one encounters, but should reserve it for those who have demonstrated that they are trustworthy.  Let me describe this notion using the language of George Lakoff.[2]  He employs a metaphorical concept from accounting:
When you do something good for someone, you give something of positive value to him [or her] and what you get in exchange is “credit.”  Credit for acting morally can accumulate.  It is a form of capital. …

To place your trust in someone morally is to give him [or her] advance moral credit, credit he [or she] will repay you by acting morally.  If someone that you place your trust in acts very immorally, then you “lose trust” in him [or her], that is, you lose the moral credit that you gave him [or her] in advance as prepayment for acting morally.  He [or she] is “discredited” and “morally bankrupt.”  “Trust” is a prepayment of moral credit for future moral action.  But in general, people do not trust just anyone.  To be trusted, a person has to “build trust,” to establish a history of being trustworthy, a moral credit rating.
This accounting metaphor is helpful; it provides a mental handle on what is at stake and what is the potential of generally being able to build this “trust capital.”  But is the exchange just that, an exchange?  I believe that in addition to this mental give and take, there is more.

And this, in a small way, is what distinguishes a natural rights way of viewing social intercourse from viewing it from a federalist perspective.  At the risk of citing another past reference, I have pointed out that all behaviors begin with an emotion.  We must feel we want something before we actually act to get it – a sentimental angle.  And in this, we see that by limiting our view of trust to an exchange, we do not answer what motivates one to engage in such an exchange.  I have described the natural rights view as a good fallback way of thinking; it functions well if one has limited information or understanding of a social arrangement or of a collective.  But it does not give us much insight into how one encourages the exchanges referred to above.  For that, we need to address the elements of social infrastructure which generate the essential social forces that would result in increased justified trust to emerge.  One such element is the institution of liberated federalism in our civics and government classes.  Hopefully, this blog encourages this.



[1] Putnam, Robert D.  (2000).  Bowling alone:  The collapse and revival of American community.  New York:  Simon & Schuster.

[2] Lakoff, G.  (2002).  Moral politics:  How liberals and conservatives think.  Chicago, IL:  The University of Chicago Press.

Tuesday, April 14, 2015

I HAVE A DEAL FOR YOU

There is a lot to disagree with in the writings of Karl Marx, but his analysis of capitalism is fairly comprehensive and he does offer useful insights.  One is that in capitalism, as well as in any of the prevailing economic systems of past eras, the basic principles of that system will permeate all the institutions that make up the social infrastructure of a society.  Back in the middle ages, for example, the doctrines of the Catholic Church, which supported the feudalistic system, permeated all the institutions of European societies.  Today, the prevailing economic system is capitalism and we have a similar intrusion.  We see this in how different aspects of life have taken on the structure and processes of markets.

In terms of the concerns of this blog, the mental construct that promotes and supports this bias toward markets is the natural rights construct.  It is this construct that bolsters the idea and ideal that each of us as individuals can pursue those things we determine as valuable.  A worthy bias but one that, when radicalized, can be shortsighted and detrimental to legitimate communal interests.  A noted writer, Michael J. Sandel, looks into this ever increasing trend in our national social intercourse.

In his book, What Money Can’t Buy:  The Moral Limits of Markets, he reports on the questionable practices that have developed in this area.  Early in the book, he offers several examples of what some might consider inappropriate market offers; let me share a couple of these:
·        A prison cell upgrade:  $82 per night.  In Santa Ana, California, and some other cities, nonviolent offenders can pay for better accommodations – a clean, quiet jail cell, away from the cells for nonpaying prisoners. …
·        The services of an Indian surrogate mother to carry a pregnancy:  $6,250.  Western couples seeking surrogates increasingly outsource the job to India, where the practice is legal and the price is less than one-third the going rate in the United States.[1]
People have suggested paying students to do their assignments, and if you apply your imagination, you could probably come up with questionable and, in some cases, distasteful market exchanges.

This is a topic I want to revisit in the future.  In the meantime, let me ask you to keep your eyes and ears open to note such cases.  Overall, I would say that each questionable marketization of a product or service that falls beyond the limits we have had in place is a case which undermines certain degrees of obligation or other senses of sanctity in those areas we hold to be sacred or otherwise important.  When you can sell something, it becomes akin to a commodity.  We got rid of slavery, but are we ready to give up on other honored advantages?  As Sandel points out:  “Today, the logic of buying and selling no longer applies to material goods alone but increasingly governs the whole of life.  It is time to ask whether we want to live this way.”[2]



[1] Sandel, M. J.  (2012).  What Money Can’t Buy:  The Moral Limits of Markets.  New York, NY:  Farrar, Straus, and Giroux.  Citation on p. 3.

[2] Ibid., p. 6.