A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, May 7, 2021

VIRGINIA: A DIFFERENT BASIS, ONE SIMILAR RESULT

As one leaves the New England colonies, where the Puritan influence was so strong, and looks at the other colonies, say Virginia and Pennsylvania, one encounters some highly distinguishing social elements and some common ones as well.  What seems to prevail in all the colonies is a foundational understanding of governance and politics. 

That leads to a set the basic assumptions of how government should be set up and, therefore, reflects agreement about basic related values.  In addition, that similarity led to agreements about what government is and how it should function.  Generally, an overall description of this similarity can be characterized as federal thinking.

          A colony that predated settlement in New England is Virginia.  Thirteen years before the first settlement in Massachusetts was established in 1620, the Jamestown settlement of Virginia was established in 1607.  While there were three types of colonial arrangements – property colonies, charter colonies, royal colonies – given the inability to garner immediate profits, and in terms of the Crown, indifference, all the colonies devolved into being free standing entities establishing local governance.

          The initial businesses that set up the colonies, for the most part, were unsuccessful (the Virginia Company went bankrupt in 1622), but the role the colonies were to play in the prevailing mercantilist system was to provide natural resources to the mother country, England.  Given this overall aim, a lot of policy was accepted that might have been at least questioned otherwise.  That would include the introduction and furtherance of slavery.

          The first slaves were introduced in 1619 as they were brought to Jamestown.[1]  These unfortunates were to work on certain agricultural products – rice, sugar, tobacco, and eventually cotton.  These crops lend themselves to large land allotments and, given the geography of the area, the development of the plantation economy quickly came to be.

          Another difference between Virginia and New England was that Virginia was not settled by Puritans.  In that more southern area, Anglicans initially populated that colony.  This was offset a bit with a level of popularity for Puritanism among the first natural born generation of Virginians. 

Despite this variance, almost from the beginning, there was a similarity between the constituting documents written and enacted in New England and those that will guide the way in Virginia.  Donald Lutz reports on an initial Virginia document:

 

Under its initial charter, Virginia was run by a cumbersome double council.  A thirteen-member council in Virginia to carry out its will.  The system did not work, and the Virginia governor had to become a virtual dictator to maintain order.  The [Articles, Laws, and Orders, Divine, Politic, and Martial for the Colony of Virginia, 1610] was issued under martial law but still reflects the values that were generally accepted by the colonists.  It is equivalent to a code of law and may be fruitfully compared with the other codes of law [found among the colonies].  Religion plays an important role in this Virginia document, as it did in codes elsewhere, and the moral content looks similar to that of New England codes.  … The similarities with the Puritans may have been due to the predominance of “low church” members, who while remaining securely in the fold, shared many of the Puritan inclinations against pomp, status, and other vestiges of what was termed covert popery.[2]

 

This gave way to representative governance, defined by compact, shortly afterward.

          The general attitude of the English Crown to the developments in Virginia was to mostly ignore any problems.  This led to the company’s employees to organize themselves that led naturally to a federating model.  Naturally, one can attribute their already existing biases for representative governance due to England’s parliamentary tradition, but with the Crown being so far off and mostly indifferent, one can see federated bonding as a normal mode of advancing a structured polity.

          And this indifference would last for the greater part of the 1600s.  That is not to say certain actions by the Crown would have inconsequential effects.  It, for example, issued highly generous grants to its favored parties such as when it granted William Penn Pennsylvania in 1682, the Carolinas to the Carolina Properties in 1632, New York to the Duke of York in 1666, and so on.[3]  But as the colonies became viable and then lucrative – along with some uppity biases – the interest among British policy makers would change.

          And then there is the effect that growing Enlightened attitudes would have.  Here, there is a mixed bag.  On the one hand, the Enlightenment will undercut the authority of religious thinking (as previously explained in this blog), but on the other, it would also undermine aristocratic assumptions about people.  The whole notion that well off people are so advantaged due to some godly plan was seriously questioned. 

This led to republican leanings among Enlightened thinkers – among them one finds the “social contract” theorists.  It was a historical shift toward equality.  One imported set of ideas was those of John Locke.  While subsequent writers have attributed too much influence on this philosopher,[4] his promotion of a natural rights view and its introduction to America should be noted. 

To the extent that natural rights was considered and adopted, it presented a competing sense of what it meant to govern and engage in politics.  So, during the 1600s, Virginia was allowed to organize itself, initiate its basic economic arrangements, and proceed to establish a viable position within the mercantilist system that was one, global, and two, highly entrenched.  But before moving on to examine Pennsylvania’s development more closely, the next posting will give an overall comparison between the natural rights view and federal theory.



[1] Slavery had already been present in America; the first slaves were probably introduced on this side of the Atlantic as far back as the early 1500s with Christopher Columbus transporting them to Hispaniola.  See “America’s History of Slavery Long before Jamestown,” The History Channel (n.d.), accessed May 6, 2021, https://www.history.com/news/american-slavery-before-jamestown-1619#:~:text=The%20arrival%20of%20the%20first,as%20early%20as%20the%201500s.

[2] Donald S. Lutz (ed.), Colonial Origins of the American Constitution:  A Documentary History (Indianapolis, IN:  Liberty Fund,1998), 314.

[3] Allen C. Guelzo, The American Mind, Part I – a transcript book – (Chantilly, VA:  The Teaching Company/The Great Courses, 2005).

[4] See, for example, Garry Wills, Inventing America:  Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence (New York, NY:  Vintage Books, 1978/2018).  

Tuesday, May 4, 2021

FROM CAMBRIDGE TO NEW HAVEN

 

Whereas this blog took a turn toward Yale College two posting ago, it left the reader with little information as to the developments at Harvard during the 1600s.  This posting hopefully will modestly fill in the gaps in that story.  The main reason for looking elsewhere relates to the quality of leadership experienced on the Cambridge campus.

          This period saw subpar administrations beginning with Harvard’s first president, Henry Dunstar, who became embroiled in the religious turmoil between the scholastics and the Separatists – the strong Puritanical believers who took on the moniker, Baptists.  He was eventually forced to resign and was followed by a succession of men that were not able to bring under control the rowdy student body.  They were Charles Chauncey, Leonard Hoar, Urian Oakes, and John Rogers – these men were either physicians or clergymen.

          Finally, in 1684, almost fifty years after its founding, Harvard hired its first effective president with the curious name, Increase Mather.[1]  At the time of his acceptance of the position he was already well known as the pastor of the Old North Church of Boston where he secured the highest reputation among the second-generation New Englanders.  From the get-go, Mather’s appointment had some political intrigue since his ascendency staved off direct control of the college by the English government.

          One thing Mather accomplished was to upgrade the faculty.  Two additions to that group would prove of particular consequence; that would be the hires of William Brattle and John Leverett.  Brattle strongly insisted on Cartesian logic to attack skepticism – the belief that nothing is knowable.  Leverett proved to be more independent of religious ideas and ideals and eventually assumed the presidency of Harvard in 1707.  His more distinguishing posture led to his support of a new church.

          As Allen Guelzo describes it,

 

Leverett would … talk more about virtue than about redemption, more about reasonableness rather than mystery, and he put his entire support behind the organization of a new church in Boston, the Brattle Street Church, whose Manifesto of 1699 proclaimed the church Congregational, not by reason of Scripture, but by the Light of Nature.[2]

 

Eventually, a rift developed between Increase Mather and Leverett, as Mather attempted to block the ascendancy of Leverett to the presidency, but it proved too late.  This antagonism stemmed from the belief Leverett was drifting too far away from Calvinistic beliefs.  And this discordance would be picked up by Mather’s son, Cotton Mather. 

This drift, ironically, led like-minded advocates, headed by Cotton, to look to Connecticut to start a new college.  That would be New Haven, and this younger Mather convinced Elihu Yale to provide the bulk of the funds.  The irony continues, since it would be Yale College, through the work of its post-graduate tutor, Samuel Johnson, that would in time take the lead in promoting Enlightenment ideals and furthering the use of reason and the objectification of study that would lead the scholarship of that day.[3]

While surely other writers have commented on this next concern, what follows are the ideas of this blogger.  And that has to do with a source of contention between Enlightenment thinking and Puritanism.  Earlier, this blog introduced the acronym, TULIP.  The letters stand for the various beliefs Puritans claim.   The “U” stands for unconditional election which means one does not get to heaven through good works, but through being selected by God to be so rewarded.  This smacked as antithetical to Enlightenment ideas.

The Enlightenment not only rejected the notion that a person knows such a thing, but that belief undermined human capacities to reason.  Why a person is “saved” or not, must depend on more than the whimsical biases of some almighty power.  If that contention were true, it would need to be discovered as a tangible reality to be believed and since such a belief can have such far-reaching effects, it is of no small matter.  This writer believes that such disconnect underscored the ongoing discord between Enlightenment thinkers and the Puritans.

And another point, this writer wishes to highlight, that with objectified thinking having a Cartesian starting point of total ignorance, epistemological thinkers, since the days of the 1700s, have delved into what are the implications of Enlightenment thinking.  One such scholar was Eugene Meehan in the mid-twentieth century.  He provides the following list of criteria by which one can evaluate or ask questions of any theory, but given its thrust, they seem most applicable to scientifically derived theories. The list is:

 

      Comprehension: Does a construct explain as many phenomena related to the area of concern as possible?

      Power: Does a construct control the explanatory effort by being valid and complete in its component parts and in the relationships among those parts?

      Precision: Does a construct specifically and precisely treat its concepts, making them clear in their use?

      Consistency or Reliability: Does a construct explain its components and their relationships the same way time after time?

      Isomorphism: Does a construct contain a one-to-one correspondence with that portion of reality it is trying to explain?

      Compatibility: Does a construct align with other responsible explanations of the same phenomena?

      Predictability: Does a construct predict conditions associated with the phenomena in question?

      Control: Does a construct imply ways to control the phenomena in question?[4]

 

This is offered so that the reader can get a sense of what Enlightenment thinking has led to. 

 That is a highly disciplined way to look at, to measure, and to model what some aspect of reality is.  Of course, such knowledge, as it is accumulated, leads to application of it and the advent of engineering.  But a question to ask in terms of this blog’s story:  was this influence limited to the New England colonies?  The next posting will look at Virginia and Pennsylvania.



[1] Apparently, the name Increase was popular among Puritans during the time in question.

[2] Allen C. Guelzo, The American Mind, Part I – a transcript book – (Chantilly, VA:  The Teaching Company/The Great Courses, 2005), 40.

[3] See posting, “A Yale Turn,” of this blog.  It was published April 27, 2021.

[4] While this blogger cannot find from which of Meehan’s works this originates, the reader is directed to work of this now deceased academic.  That is Eugene J. Meehan, Contemporary Political Thought:  A Critical Study (Homewood, IL:  Dorsey Press, 1967).