A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, July 2, 2021

A BLIND GLOBALISM

 

John Witte with the co-author Joel Nichols provide their readers a helpful overview of the Protestant Reformation.[1]  This is relevant to this blog in that one of the forms of that reformation would have a profound effect on the direction American colonists took in their political thinking.  But at least having a summary view of what constituted that overall religious development helps one have a contextual frame of mind as to the events that led up to the colonists breaking away from British rule.

          Witte and Nichols identify four reformation models.  They are the Lutheran Reformation, Anglican Reformation, Anabaptist Reformation, and the Calvinist Reformation.  Each, through its structural format, had foundational assumptions about what people should consider in forming their social arrangements, including their political, governmental structures.  That is, each model supported different arrangements and they could not help affecting how their believers thought societies should organize their governing efforts.

          In simple terms, here is how each saw what optimal arrangements looked like: 

·       the Lutheran model supported a regional formula that mirrored the feudal political structure of Germany.  That is where Lutheranism took hold and that highly divided nation – into principalities and further to the local authorities of nobles – disposed that population to see regional authorities as having legitimate power.

·       the Anglican model mostly mirrored the Roman Catholic model but on a national level.  With King Henry VIII setting himself as head of the Anglican Church, he simply put himself, the monarchy, in the place of the Pope in England.  This established a national model.

·       the Anabaptist model has a bifurcated view between the religious and the fallen.  This is an extremely local emphasis, and their churches were communalized with little effort to go regional or national much less global in their organizing efforts.  Generally, Anabaptists were judged to be too radical a form of Lutheranism.

·       the Calvinist model was also a locally based movement but promoted a definite organizational arrangement.  “Calvinist consistories [local administrative bodies] in many communities became elected, representative bodies with jurisdiction only within their congregations.”[2]  Specific organizational elements that Calvinist/Puritanical churches established and maintained were separation among offices or officials (e.g., preaching was set up separately from discipline, from charity, etc.), collective worship, regular election of officials, and congregational meetings.  Calvinism found expression in Scotland (the Presbyterians), England (the Puritans), the Dutch (the Pietists), France (the Huguenots), and other groups.

 

These models would affect politics and governance on both sides of the Atlantic.  This posting wishes to continue commenting on what was happening in England.

          According to Gordon Wood,[3] Americans were drawn to the more extreme faction of the British Whig party of the early eighteenth century.  The moniker, Commonwealthmen, has of recent times become fashionable to designate this group.  They emphasized various issues of that day.  These issues included restrictions on membership to Parliament (the House of Commons), concerns over the growth of the public debt, concern also over the established formula of representation, the length of Parliaments (they argued for shorter Parliaments), and the right to instruct Parliamentary representatives.  But over all of these concerns there was a more basic issue.

          That is,

 

The revolutionary character of these radical Whigs came more fundamentally from their fierce and total unwillingness to accept the developments of the eighteenth century.  They were reacting against the maturation of the empire, with all that this meant in the use of money and bureaucracy in the running of government.[4]

 

Sensitive to the history and traditions of England, these Whigs were upset with the actions their nation was taking in advancing an empire.  In effect, they saw developments as abandoning their ancient constitution.  Unfortunately, they lacked either the ability or disposition to apply disciplined analysis of what was happening but kept their protest to broad, unfocused criticism.

          But in this, Americans picked up on these sentiments.  They rebelled, if only emotionally at the beginning, to the alienation they felt from a cosmopolitan London.  There, the center of a social and political milieu of arbitrary decision-makers – officials more concerned with global interests of empire maintenance – exerted, in the eyes of Whigs, a sense of superiority over their English and American subjects.

          What this caused among these populations were more of a paranoia outlook.  They began to interpret policies as being purely exploitive.  The slightest disagreements turned into magnified issues and much of those concerns revolved around issues of liberty.  And as such, those policies were interpreted as expressions of tyranny.  The emotion of jealousy and the outlook of suspicion can be heard by what the colonists, in evermore frequency, expressed.

          And those expressions adopted the language of heightened liberalism, paranoia reactions, and entailed anxieties over their relationships with the mother country.  And these utterances can be readily found in the publications of that day.  There, one can find original works, republished works, cited works, and plagiarized works with recurring themes that reflected an anti-royal rhetoric. 

And not only was that rhetoric against the national bias of British governance – recall the Anglican influence above – but the now global thinking the British, as reaction to their empire building, were incorporating into their views and rationales for public policy.  And leading this anti-empire view in Britain was the Whig faction as expressed in their literature.

As an earlier citation in this blog shared, the combined sense for the English past – its constitutional tradition – and Whig rhetoric, the colonists felt justified in their growing animosity of British rule both generally and in terms of specific policies, e.g., the imposition of new taxes.  The difference being that while in Britain this argumentation remained mostly visceral, the colonists became intellectually serious over their concerns.

They produced “a complicated medley of notions taken from Enlightenment rationalism and New England covenant theology.”[5]  They did this to germinate, develop, and then apply its revolutionary – or was it restoration of? – political application of British constitutional values.  One can only sense the feelings of betrayal both American colonists and British Whigs felt in how Britain was changing.



[1] John Witte and Joel A. Nichols, Religion and the American Constitutional Experiment, 4th Edition (Oxford, UK:  Oxford University Press, 2016).

[2] Ibid., 17.

[3] Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic 1776-1787 (New York, NY: W. W. Norton and Company, 1998).

[4] Ibid., 15.

[5] Ibid., 17.

Tuesday, June 29, 2021

A RESTORATION

 

This blog has been reviewing the history of the American colonies and how that history demonstrates the influence of various trains of thought that affected how this nation’s forebears saw their situation.  In retrospect, current students know that they were headed for independence from Great Britain and of the labors they endured to establish a new nation with a new formula for its governance and politics.

          A summary description that this blogger finds particularly useful is provided by the historian Gordon S. Wood.  That is, assisting the colonists was history.  To the point,

 

History was the most obvious source of information, for they knew they must “judge of the future” by the past.  Happy are the men, and happy the people, who grow wise by the misfortunes of others.”  The writings of classical antiquity, as Josiah Quincy told his son, were especially “elegant and instructive,” for in the histories of the ancient world they would “imbue a just hatred of tyranny and zeal for freedom.”  Naturally the history of England was most important for the colonists, for, as Dickinson said, it “abounds with instances” of how a people had protected their liberties against their rulers.  Mingled with their historical citations were repeated references to the natural-law writings of Enlightenment philosophers and the common-law writings of English jurists – both contributing to a more obviously rational, rather than an experiential, understanding of the nature of politics.  And for those who continued to confront the world in religious terms the revelations of scripture and the mandates of covenant theology possessed a special force that scarcely contradicted but instead supplemented the knowledge about society reached through the use of history and reason.[1]

 

Of course, here Wood is describing Americans before being influenced by transcendentalist thought.  That later view would be imported from Europe in the early nineteenth century and infuse Americans with a big dose of individualism.  This would augment an individualism both frontier life and Enlightened ideas, emanating from the pens of Hobbes and Locke, bolstered.

          All of this created a complex American cultural stew of seemingly opposing beliefs, but which mixed in a harmonious, national recipe.  Of course, the mix would not hold and as the years elapsed, one can detect how this lack of unanimity would eventually lead to the Civil War.  But that is getting ahead of the story.  In the 1770s and 1780s, they felt a great deal of unity and saw beyond the incompatibilities in the ways they brought together history, rationalism, and scripture.  Even the pulpit found ways to accept the objectified arguments of the Enlightenment.

          The cited names by the founders stretched the gamut of known history; they utilized the ideas of Aristotle, Plato, Livy, Cicero, Sidney, Harrington, and Locke among others.  And, interestingly, this study did not lead the founders to reject English history, but to incorporate it with its natural law – a law that recognized the duties of individuals even in a state of nature, much less under the governance of a polity. 

And that law was embedded in English history.  It wasn’t that history that they, the founders, rejected, but how the current generation of English leaders were betraying that history.  The taxes that colonists had no voice in enacting and the despotic reactions by the Crown – the presence of troops and other repressive measures – to which they were being subjected were done without any input by these early Americans.

          They saw the current leadership, especially in the treatment of the colonies, as ignoring the English traditions of its common-law.  That law, in the minds of the colonists constituted a “science” outlining the principles of governance and politics that one could, in turn, employ in devising a new constitutional framework.  And that framework, as the days passed, seemed more and more a necessity so as to uphold that older constitutional tradition. 

This was done not to reject the principles of the English constitution which they admired greatly, but to extract the principles they could more functionally tailor to the American realities.  And one should not underestimate how they saw that the English constitution honored those laws of nature and which they respected.

          While they saw their efforts as not rejecting the English constitution, but as defending it, one can more fully understand what Wood cites when he quotes the founders, “‘No Government that ever existed, was so essentially free.’  Even members of the Stamp Act Congress [a gathering of colonial leaders protesting the British stamp tax on the colonies] gloried in ‘having been born under the most perfect form of government.’”[2]

            So, one can’t help questioning the use of the term “revolution” to describe what the colonists were about in their fight for independence.  Perhaps the term “restoration” should be used.  Be that as it may, a more granular view should be elicited from the events of the late eighteenth century.  In that, a discarded descriptor should be reconsidered. 

That is that both here in America and in England a division formed that one can describe as a “country-court” division.  This term refers to a hostility among primarily the English population.  The “country” side of the divide relevantly saw its constitution made of parts and those parts stood independently from other parts. 

That is, the Commons (the regular folks) were apart from the Crown (the monarchy) and each of them was apart from Parliament, and they were apart from any political party.  This level of independence among the elements of the political landscape meant that no person was dependent or beholding to another person or group within the system – each stood on its own basis of legitimate standing.

And as observers, Americans drew out various messages that they could incorporate in their efforts to honor the English constitution.  They were particularly drawn to the more radical, least respected views expressed in England or, as Wood describes it, those arguments emanating from “left of the official Whig line.”[3]  This blog will next look at what that meant in the colonies.



[1] Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic 1776-1787 (New York, NY: W. W. Norton and Company, 1998), 6-7 (emphasis in the original).  This seminal work was originally published in 1969.

[2] Ibid., 11.

[3] Ibid., 15.