A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, July 10, 2015

MR. CHIPS AIN’T SO BAD

Early in the history of this blog, I wrote an extended critique of the state of civics education in the US.  In sum, I reported that American students were low on certain measures:  political/governmental knowledge, political participation, and disposition toward political involvement.  In addition, they were high in levels of incivility and even criminality.  These conditions were qualified – e. g., American youth might be low in political involvement and knowledge but in some studies, they fared well when compared with the youth of other nations.  My overall claim was that there was a lot of room for improvement assuming the American public wanted, in general, high levels of political/governmental knowledge, political participation, civility, and law-abiding behavior.  While I reported these shortcomings, I, on more than one occasion, made it clear that I was not placing the blame for them on the doorstep of any one person or group of people.  I believe good schooling, including efforts in civics, is the responsibility of entire communities and that the complex chore of improving our instruction in that field, as well as in all of education, falls on the many.  It is important to state this today because one of the most maligned sectors of the American workforce is our teacher corps.

In a recent book, Dana Goldstein[1] reviews some of the most stated complaints of teachers and some of the proposed “reforms” aimed at fixing the problem posed by deficient teachers, and gives us an overall view that runs counter to what many of us hear from the mass media outlets.  I would like in this posting to list some of these findings in hopes of providing some sobering insights on the “teacher problem.”

Goldstein begins by giving credence to one critique of teachers:  they do not represent the most successful graduates from the most prestigious colleges and universities.  They, as a group, have on their resumes lower than average SAT scores.  Also, most engage in classroom activities that are primarily mechanical with a reliance on lectures, worksheets, and short evaluative exercises such as spelling tests.  At least one review of elementary teachers found these boring approaches as being typical instructional fare.  The aim seems to be mostly rote memory instead of analysis, synthesis, and problem solving which tend to be more engaging and more reflective of higher order thinking on the part of students.  Oh yes, and probably less boring.  But there are other research studies that give a more promising impression.

For example, in a recent study, teachers fared very favorably when compared to other American professionals in terms of a passion for their work.  This finding was offset by another one that found that the level of being “very satisfied” with their job was plummeting among teachers.  One wonders if some of this decline has to do with the recent attempts by school administrators and politicians to “fix” the teacher problem.  Of course, the nation of late has been going through some very meaningful challenges; primarily, challenges caused by the Great Recession.

Some context:  teachers in this country, once held in high esteem, have been subject to an array of criticism, much of it of a personal tone.  For example, Governor Chris Christie the other day described teachers as having a “good gig” in that they are paid a yearly salary and have so much time off as in the summer months.  I always thought of the summer break as two months of each year when I was unemployed unless I was fortunate enough to land a summer school job.  It’s all in how you see things, I guess, but there I was at home not receiving a paycheck.  When such a thing happened to my folks when I was a kid, things were tight and the future was doubtful.  I, at least, knew I had a job come September.  But the hidden message within the Governor’s comment is that teachers are getting away with something unseemly.  Really?

But that’s Christie, known for his over-the-top histrionics.  Is he the exception?  Here’s Goldstein’s take on what is generally out there in terms of public utterances:
Today the ineffective tenured teacher has emerged as a feared character, a vampiric type who sucks tax dollars into her bloated pension and health care plans, without much regard for the children under her care. … According to sociologists who study these events, in a moral panic, policy makers and the media focus on a single class of people (in our case, veteran public school teachers) as emblems of a large, complex social problem (socioeconomic inequality, as evidenced by educational achievement gaps).  Then the media repeats, ad nauseam, anecdotes about the most despicable examples of this type of person (such as “rubber room” teachers, who collect pay, sometimes for years, while awaiting termination hearings on accusations of corporal punishment or alcoholism).  This focus on the worst of the worst misrepresents the true scale and character of what may be a genuine problem.[2]
Then Goldstein proceeds to add some real context to what is being discussed.

For example, I believe most would be surprised to know that even in the worst urban, low income, conditions, as those found in New York or Los Angeles, those beleaguered teachers preside over some of the highest achievement level increases, as measured by achievement tests, in their region.  And the author makes a very telling observation:  these teachers are much more effective than the alternative, an ongoing cast of rotating teachers as would be the case if wholesale terminations were instituted or, as is often the case, replacing disheartened teachers who retire after only a few years in the classroom.

Goldstein runs through the list of “reforms” that have proven ineffective and have made things even worse because of the said attrition rate among teachers often caused by reforms.  Central to these efforts have been reforms to limit or do away with tenure programs.  I will address tenure in a future posting.  Let me preview that posting by stating generally that there are no giveaways.  Every practice instituted by the “system” has a reason and it’s not altruism or concern for the plight of teachers.

These comments are not specifically geared toward civics teachers.  They share in the problems that face the teacher corps.  What I would hope is that criticism of teaching in America not be personal or overgeneralized.  There are problems with teaching, but they are not of the type usually depicted or of the extreme nature described by the vocal critiques who now, in many cases, make a career of such efforts.  Oh, I guess the last statement has a personal edge to it – sorry!



[1] Goldstein, D.  (2014).  The teacher wars:  A history of America’s most embattled profession.  New York, NY:  Doubleday.

[2] Ibid., pp. 5-6.

Tuesday, July 7, 2015

IS THE PARTY OVER?

I have in this blog written of the function that political parties play in our political system.  Political parties are at that level of representation which funnels demands and supports, demands and supports not so much from individual citizens, who are represented by more specifically oriented groups, but from more collective entities.  These other groups are organizations and associations that solicit memberships among particular aggregates such as business people, laborers, teachers, doctors, lawyers, and the like.  What political parties do is organize the demands and supports favored by these “lower” level groupings.  I have also, given the writing of E. E. Schattschneider,[1] described that the political party that represents the advantaged groups – successful business people, high salaried professionals, and the like – mainly provides a loose alignment to represent these factions’ common interests.  On the other hand, the party that represents lesser advantaged citizens – laborers, low income workers, low-skilled workers, indigent groups, etc. – provides the means by which its groups formulate stronger alliances among these respective groups.  Also thrown into the mix are very influential individuals. 

The stronger the union among the elements of a party are, the more the individual and/or group needs to compromise.  The easiest way to think of this is:  the more one has access to political resources – money, votes, expertise – the less one needs the help of others and, therefore, the less one needs to compromise.  Strong union means more compromise;  strong individual entities means less compromise.

But how does a party function in our current elections?  We have a presidential election on the horizon and an understanding of how our system works should include insight into the role parties play in the election process.  Daniel M. Shea provides a telling story:
[There was] an irate House candidate who complained to a local party leader about going it alone.  Why would the party be spending so much time and money helping the presidential candidate and offering no help to him?  The party leader answered back, “You see that big barge coming into the harbor?  Look behind, in the wake.  You see those logs, the junk and garbage being sucked along?  This year the president’s the ship and you’re the garbage.”[2]

Welcome to the world of politics.  With the upcoming presidential election approaching, civics teachers might use the performance of parties in the 2016 election to have students develop a better understanding of political parties.  Jeffrey M. Stonecash,[3] in his study of parties, identifies a list of factors that might help a teacher develop questions students can pursue.  The list includes:  correlation between “down-ballot” candidates and the presidential candidate (as alluded to in the above story), incumbency success rates, geographic location (e. g., the North vs. the South), partisanship loyalty levels, ideological biases, and strength of local party organization.  Each of these can be discussed as to meaning and historical viability in determining who wins and loses an election.  Stonecash’s study can provide assistance to teachers who want to consider these types of concerns.

As for Stonecash’s findings, his analysis indicates that correlations between presidential and House candidates, once quite high (hovering around .80), has not been nearly so high of late.  This lack of connection means that political parties are not producing winners.  To the extent this is true, political parties do not serve as funnels; that is, they are not functioning to generate compromises.  Without compromises, or at least enough of them, then the government cannot issue the policies to meet current demands.  Instead, geographic location seems to have strengthened significantly.  We have areas that are steeply ensconced in policy positions and the growing sentiment that compromise is somewhat illegitimate.  Often, positions are associated with cultural commitments and/or religious commitments.  The positive side to all of this is that voters do not seem to be blindly following the dictates of party leaders any longer.  On the other side, policy compromises are harder to find.  Have media – Limbaugh, Fox, MSNBC – been filling-in the gap created with the lessening of party influence?  Using the results in the upcoming election might add some information to our current state of voting and, if any, shifts among the electorate.  The party is not over; parties will continue to serve essential roles and functions – they organize a lot of what we call politics.  But as a meaningful funnel of demands and supports, a facilitator of compromise, one is justified to ask what its role will be as the coming years go by.  Will 2016 foreshadow more impasse with Congress and the President or a more promising future?



[1] Schattschneider, E. E.  (1960).  The semi-sovereign people:  A realist’s view of democracy in America.  New York:  Holt, Rinehart and Winston.

[2] Shea, D. M.  (2015).  Book Review of Party Pursuits and the Presidential-House Electoral Connection 1900-2008Political Science Quarterly, 130 (1), Spring, pp. 134-136, quotation on p. 134.

[3] Stonecash, J. M.  (2013).  Party pursuits and the presidential-House electoral connection 1900-2008.  New York, NY:  Cambridge University Press.