A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, September 10, 2021

PRIMED FEELINGS

 

With the Romantic period one has a multifaceted movement originating in Europe that made its way to the US with the onset of the nineteenth century.  Actually, the movement started in the late 1700s and can be seen as one of those social forces that served to heighten people’s awareness of the detrimental effects of a growing political upheaval and the initial industrialization of European life. 

Central to its messaging was a focus on emotions and individualism.  Part and parcel of its impact was its influence on liberalism, conservatism, nationalism, and radicalism.[1]  While the movement’s most observable affect was on that time’s art and literature, the political world was also highly impacted.  But to appreciate in which ways it moved politics, one needs to appreciate the directions it maneuvered the creative world of the arts – both the physical arts and in their written forms. 

The Enlightenment adopted the classical tradition; the Romantics favored medieval expression.  In that, it turns away from concerns of balance, proportion, and idealistic form (the bedrocks of classical art) to expressions of raw emotions and seeing art as the opportunity to be exposed to real experiences.  That even included stirring the emotions of horror, terror, fear, and awe.  But in the main, it shifted people’s attention to nature and its abundant beauty in its raw states.

With these focuses, Romantic art placed newfound appreciation for what had been previously judged to be common and plebian, that being folk art and national expressions.  Now, with this newer view, such traditions were judged as worthy of being honored as noble.  This included ascribing honor on national traditions of artistic endeavors that originated in those medieval days before firm national borders and national institutions took hold.[2]

An early expression of this newer sensitivity can be traced to Germany.  There the Sturn und Drang (“storm and desire”) movement in that nation’s music and literature – taking place in the late 1760s to early 1780s – one finds works highlighting extreme emotions.  They were considered as concerted efforts to rebel against rationalism as dictated by the Enlightenment.  Credited with its early expression in words was the works of the philosopher, Johann Georg Hamann, an early proponent of the philosophy of language.

The movement, first in Europe and then in the US, had a recurring tangible target, that being industrialism and urban living as it sprawled with the rise of factories and other manufacturing centers.  It was a recurring reaction to the lasting consequences of the Enlightenment, not the least being the French Revolution, even soliciting criticism among many Romantics who initially supported that overthrow of the French monarchy. 

As this messaging matured, definite themes emerged.  Those included placing high credit on the spokespeople of the movement judged to be heroic as individuals and artists, championing a better society.  Especially honored were those seen as leading the way by the expressions of their individual imaginations.  A general sense of liberation took hold, that being free from classical dictates as to what was legitimate art and it ushered in a Zeitgeist of this visceral expression.

A German artist, Casper David Friedrich, captured the new thrust with his summary remark, “the artist’s feeling is his law” or the English poet, William Wordsworth’s notion that art is the product of an artist’s powerful feelings that gets refined through the tranquility of his/her recollection.  Handed down rules from previous disciplined schools of art were merely considered obstacles to the creation of legitimate art, for after all, these rules were artificial and not the product of the creative process. 

The new criteria were authenticity, originality, and the expression of genius.  Ultimately, great art was the creation of an expression from nothing.  Interpretation or derivation were belittled, originality or novelty were praised.  To this one can readily see the role of emotions, not well-thought-out plans or rationales, to calculate what should be done, what should be expressed, and what should be illustrated.

And what better source of such inspiration than nature?  While not an essential attribute of Romanticism, nature turned out to be a recurring subject that Romantics exploited in their works.  It functioned as a normative standard of goodness, unaffected by societal corruption.  People are born as a product of nature and as such are initially innocent as they begin their lives.  It is society that corrupts not only humans but defaces nature as well. 

Nature, sans society, is pure and worthy of almost spiritual esteem.  It took on a status among many Romantics as being worthy of devotion.  A painting that is often is depicted as symbolizing this association between the movement and nature is Friedrich’s Wanderer above a Sea of Fog.

Born with the backdrop of war in Europe, this movement had first the French Revolution and then the Napoleonic Wars up until 1815 as its setting.  In France, the generation that took up the Romantic movement was weaned with the sounds and turmoil associated with this upheaval.  According to Alfred de Vigny, the initial artists of this movement were “conceived between battles, attended school to the rolling of drums.”[3]

As for political views, Romantics are judged to have been mostly liberal to progressive but not exclusively.  Within their ranks, mostly due to their emotional strains, conservative and even nationalist biases developed.  In the extreme, this line of thought or feelings even led to fascism in the twentieth century.  Constant attacks on reason led to the questioning – even rejection – of objective truth.

Before finishing these initial introductory remarks on Romanticism, a word on its relation to nationalism seems in order.  It, the Romantic inclination, became a source of ongoing messaging or linking of emotional ties to this excessive attachment to one’s nation.  And that, as just mentioned above, survived into the twentieth century, and some would argue, the twenty-first century. 

This is attributable by historians to the emotionalism of that time.  It led to ties not only to a person’s nationality but his/her ethnicity, and race.  Of special interest was/is national language and a nation’s folklore.  With that, people expressed increased interest in local customs with their accompanying traditions.  It also led to national policies that had little concern about the legitimate claims of other nations or peoples.

During that time, Europe, partly because of this emotional bias, experienced various redrawing of national boundaries and even the creation of newer national polities, for example, the unification of Italy and Germany.  In addition, nationalism incentivized people to become familiar with the medieval history of their nations when many of the folkloric traditions they could still identify got started and added to their sense of peoplehood.

Renewed popularity in epic poems from that past took on a special interest.  And some of that digging into the past even stretched to pre-Roman, Latinization days especially in Germany and Celtic Scotland and Ireland.  In many areas of Europe, Napoleonic Wars caused further motivation to heighten national commitments to first fight off this threat and then the actualization of French control. 

This is a bit ironic in that the initial reaction to the French Revolution, as alluded to above, stirred Romantics to support its aims and successes.  But as Napoleon expanded his control over the various nations of the continent, those nationalists became anti French and anti-Napoleon.  Johann Gottlieb Fichte, a German philosopher, provides an eloquent expression of this line of thought:

 

Those who speak the same language are joined to each other by a multitude of invisible bonds by nature herself, long before any human art begins; they understand each other and have power of continuing to make themselves understood more and more clearly; they belong together and are by nature one and an inseparable whole … Only when each people, left to itself, develops and forms itself in accordance with its own peculiar quality, and only when in every people each individual develops himself in accordance with that common quality, as well as in accordance with his own peculiar quality – then, and then only, does the manifestation of divinity appear in its true mirror as it ought to be.[4]

 

And that sets the stage for this blog to look at the way Romanticism made its presence known in the US.



[1] John Morrow, “Romanticism and Political Thought in the Early 19th Century,” in The Cambridge History of Nineteenth-Century Political Thought:  The Cambridge History of Political Thought, eds. Garth Stedman Jones and Gregory Claeys (Cambridge, UK:  Cambridge University Press, 2011), 39-76.

[2] Nuria Perpinya, “Ruins, Nostalgia and Ugliness:  Five Romantic Perceptions of Middle Ages and a Spoon of Game of Thrones and Avant-Garde Oddity,”, Logos Verlag Berlin (2014), accessed September 9, 2021, Buchbeschreibung: : (logos-verlag.de) .

[3] “Neoclassicism and Romanticism,” Lumen:  Boundless Art History (n.d.).  Accessed September 9, 2021, https://courses.lumenlearning.com/boundless-arthistory/chapter/neoclassicism-and-romanticism/.

[4] Johann Gottlieb Fichte, “Modern History Sourcebook:  Johann Gottlieb Fichte:  To the German Nation, 1806,” Fordham University (n.d.), accessed September 9, 2021, Internet History Sourcebooks (fordham.edu) .

Tuesday, September 7, 2021

AN UNFEELING PEOPLE?

 

The last posting ended this blog’s review of the Whig Party.  The purpose of that review was to gauge how true that party was to the ideals of a parochial/traditional federalist thought.  As this blog has pointed out, federalism calls on people to see the polity within which they live as a partnership. 

This reflects a legal/constitutional structure of governance – one made up of a people coming together to formulate and maintain their polity – and an emotional/reasoned commitment to promote the health and survival of it as an ultimate, espoused political value.  In this form of federalism, said commitment only includes those within a given racial/ethnic tradition and that, in America, being of Western European stock.

          The challenges the Whig Party faced limited its viability within the national political landscape to just over twenty years.  But within those years, through its inabilities, it offered Americans a set of practical lessons or guardrails that political entities need to respect if they are to sustain their position within their polity.  

For one thing, an American political party must realize that this polity exists within a national, general governing arena or zone and not as a compilation of a national level system alongside local or state level systems.  American federalism is not a dual leveled arrangement with the general government addressing national concerns and states taking care of local issues, but of a cooperative system.  Of course, each has its emphasis on what it addresses, but the areas of mutual concerns are many and continually arising.

          As such, its institutions, especially ones so central as political parties, must function nationally as well as locally.  Yet the Whigs prided themselves for honoring the localism of its members without taking into account national implications.  They allowed, without any disciplinary checks, all sorts of messaging and advocacies ranging the spectrum of political whims of that time. 

In striving to understand that proclivity, one is helped by noting an influential mindset affecting American political thought in the antebellum period.  As with the Enlightenment, that theorizing originated in Europe.  It preceded the start of the Whigs by twenty years but caught the imagination of many Americans through that party’s existence and, as with the Whigs, saw its influence wane in the 1850s. 

That theorizing was known as Romanticism.  Actually, in America there was a precursor to this line of thought and feeling during the colonial years.  That was the sentiment expressed during what is historically known as the First Awakening.  As with this later fascination, the First Awakening was a reaction to the influences of the Enlightenment, but especially in terms of religious thought. 

Nineteenth century Romanticism had a more pervasive effect on a broad range of interests from literature and art to politics.  But a review of the earlier version can give one the essence of what Romanticism was.  As will be further explained in the next posting, this newer view was a reaction to what was deemed as the Enlightenment’s over emphasis on reason.

Here, at this point, this blog diverts a bit from describing this newer movement and provide some context as to how Romanticism is historically portrayed.  Commentary seems to rely on an assumption, that being that the Constitution was the product of the Enlightenment.  It was a bit of political architecture that was based on reason – the mainstay of the Enlightenment – and that that engendered various consequences.  Yes, if one accepts that premise, one can see that as the 1800s moved on, this reasoned experiment seemed to be working, but it did solicit at least two negative judgements of some importance.

The first was directed at that other example of a “reasoned” political experiment, the French Revolution.  There, reasoned arguments led to an uprising of the masses that resulted in much tumult and violence with a hefty death rate.  Popularizing the image of the guillotine, it was difficult for anyone who valued a peaceful society to see much to admire as that Revolution evolved not to a truly democratic nation, but to the semi autocratic rule of Napoleon Bonaparte.  And beyond that initial world wind, it would lead to an Industrial Revolution in which …

 

Enlightenment’s greatest scientific achievements brought the natural world under mastery of humanity, but humanity then turned and converted that mastery into smoke-belching factories, cheap mass production of goods, and the swollen wealth of a new ruling class, the bourgeoisie.[1]

 

The other criticism aimed at the Enlightenment, as it was experienced in America, was that excessive reason rendered Americans to be a shallow people.  That all they seemed to be to European “observers” was that this newer country was comprised of a population lacking in a national identity.  All one had in this burgeoning nation was a people running around trying to maximize the amount of money they could accrue.  To this, this blogger objects.

As this blog has claimed – with a good deal of scholarly support – the American Revolution and the Constitution was the product of various cultural/political developments.  Among them was the Puritanical/covenantal tradition, the emotional movement of the First Awakening, English constitutional tradition (including ideas of separation of powers and a strong sense of localism), the relative autonomy that the British Crown extended to the colonies, along with the Enlightenment thinkers (e.g., Locke and Hobbes), and the common sense philosophers (e.g., Reid and Hutcheson). 

To claim Americans are solely the product of Enlightenment thinking is to shortchange all these other contributions of thinkers and historical events.  By so doing, one underestimates how complex a political or overall culture Americans had developed by the time they secured their independence and their constitutional arrangement.  But according to Guelzo, that image of a short-sighted people seems to be how Europeans tended to see their American cousins.

While this blogger does not agree, for the sake of contextualizing this newer source of influence, Romanticism, it helps to take that view of Americans at face value.  That would set up a model of sorts:  i.e., one begins with the beliefs of the Enlightenment which leads to a successful American Revolution which sets up an eventual constitutional formulation which landed up with a nation of self-centered, shallow materialistic people.  As an example of this judgement, Guelzo offers:

 

Thomas Jefferson was preeminently the American man of reason, but his political allegiance to an anti-mercantile agrarianism and the need he felt to justify slaveholding on the grounds of racial inferiority of slaves constantly pulled him in romantic directions, reason and enlightenment not withstanding.[2]

 

But to the extent that Americans saw themselves as being too over dependent on reason, to the exclusion of more emotional or intuitive thinking, Romanticism provided another approach to social, artistic, and political thinking. 

          As this blog approaches the effects of the Enlightenment on America, it will, starting in the next posting, review the history – ever so cursorily – of the development of Romanticism in Europe.  And then it will report the major events that ushered in its influence in how this movement developed in America.  Here in the US, the term transcendentalism was adopted to designate this movement, and the name Ralph Waldo Emerson will become prominent in that story.



[1] Allen C. Guelzo, The American Mind, Part II – a transcript book – (Chantilly, VA:  The Teaching Company/The Great Courses, 2005), 21.

[2] Ibid., 24.