A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, February 10, 2017

SOCIAL CAPITAL AS A FUNDAMENTAL COMMITMENT

In the last posting, this writer identified and defined the academic field of social studies and, more specifically, civics education.  That description focused on what R. Freeman Butts declared   the aim of civic education should be.  That is, “building and maintaining a cohesive political community devoted to the civic ideals of liberty, equality, popular consent, and personal obligation for the public good.”[1]
          While Butts, with this quote, provides an outline of what civics should be about doing, this posting wants to more practically describe these aims.  A term that captures Butts’ sense of what civics should be is social capital.  Robert Putnam tells us that social capital means having an active, public-spirited citizenry, egalitarian political relations, and a social environment of trust and cooperation.[2]  Stated in this language, one can more readily think in practical terms.
          This writer, inspired by these scholars, believes that civics should be about, one, imparting political knowledge including the more mundane information of the structure, processes, and functions of government and the other entities of the political system such as political parties and the media; two, training students as to the political skills that have proven to be effective in the political processes of a democratic/republican system of governance, and three, encouraging a disposition among students that leads to political engagement.
          These three aims advance social capital in that they contribute to enhancing basic social knowledge, promoting basic social skills, and casting in a positive light the goodness of acting toward those attributes that make up social capital.  All of this, contrary to the relatively value-free view of the natural rights construct of governance and politics, is a value-rich perspective.  It, therefore, demotes liberty from its lofty perch under the perspective of the natural rights view (that construct’s trump value) not to obscurity, but to a more responsible position.
          Liberty loses its raison d’etre status, and becomes more instrumental in advancing social capital.  As such, a more responsible view of freedom is promoted, one that avoids trending toward licentious or irresponsible behaviors.  With a richer sense of the moral – of good and evil – civics education cannot address only what is going on in government, but what good citizenship means in all aspects of social life.  That includes behavior within family, religion, community, and other arrangements in which people regularly function.
          One such arrangement is business as people fulfill the roles of customers, employees, and owners.  John M. Longo mentions that one aspect of business success, at least in the eyes of some successful investors, is how collaborative, within its workforce, a business is.[3]  That reflects a cadre of workers who define part of their responsibilities – of their job – to be good citizens within their workplace.  As such, civics, when viewed as a moral inducing activity, has a role in the economic realms of a society such as in this nation’s economy.
          Previously in this blog, this writer suggested a possible course of study outline that is based on such a view of civics.  Its adoption would seriously change what takes place in most civics classrooms today; that is, it would call for a severe curricular change (including changing state standards).  Therefore, one should not hold out much hope that such a course of study would be put in place.  But it does illustrate what is sought after if one were to turn to a more moral position.
          To implement this course, one needs to forget the prevailing textbooks[4] and the structure that these textbooks outline and develop a course entirely on social capital priorities.  To begin with, each element of a society, from the most basic to the most complicated, becomes a potential source of content.  From the individual – the most basic, but still complicated – to international arrangements such as the UN can be included.
A list of these elements and an accompanying “social capital” issue is included in the following:
         The individual – short term interests vs. long term interests
         The family – the effects of divorce
         The neighborhood – responsibilities toward problem children
         A small business – treatment of employees
         A labor association (such as a union) – efficiency and quality issues vs. worker interests
         A large corporation – product safety
         A local government (either city or county) – zoning or racial/ethnic divisions
         Law enforcement agency – judicial rights applicable to an accused
         White House – leadership that advances social capital
         Congress – the extent that money (donations) is influential
         The courts – the role of interpreting constitutional principles as expressions of social capital
         Society during wartime – special demands on citizenship
         International associations – levels of interdependence between nations
Such a course of study would be comprised of thirteen units to be covered in an eighteen-week semester at the high school level.  Middle school civics courses last the entire academic year, so the list can be longer or each item can demand more time (or a combination of the two).
The point is that a purely “social capital” approach gives low priority toward “teaching” the structure of government, per se, and a higher concern for the level of social capital characterizing our government and our society.  The assumption is that the structure of government and related entities becomes instrumental in dealing with these issues and that students will learn the structure as a matter of course. 
By taking this approach, units of study would incorporate the type of questions that get at how mindful in plans and actions participants are of social capital concerns.  But in this option, the overall aim is to have students know, understand, and appreciate the bonding among citizens that social capital calls for, given the concerns Butts and Putnam express.  But if this is the ideal with little chance of adoption, what is the advantage of presenting it?
Ideals help develop what is; what is espoused can be useful in designing what gets to be utilized.  Teachers can take these ideas, look at what they are doing, and modify their efforts to reflect what is being advocated here and help in developing a citizenship noted for its sense of responsibility in promoting the common good.



[1]R. Freeman Butts, The Civic Mission in Educational Reform: Perspectives for the Public and the Profession (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1989), 65.

[2] Robert D. Putnam, “Bowling Alone:  America's Declining Social Capital January, (1995): 65-78.

[3] John M. Longo, The Art of Investing:  Lessons from History’s Greatest Traders, (Chantilly, VA:  The Great Courses/The Teaching Company, 2016).

[4] The prevailing textbooks can be maintained, but as reference books that contain much, if not all, of the structural information a student would use in carrying out inquiries this course of study would have students perform.

Tuesday, February 7, 2017

FREE TO BELIEVE WHATEVER?

As any reader of this blog knows, it is dedicated to civics education.  In this posting, the writer wants to ask a very fundamental question concerning this core school subject.  But before he does, a few facts concerning civics should be established. 
Civics is part of the broader field of social studies.  The most prominent subject in this field is history, especially American history.  A typical student in a K-12 curriculum will have two courses in American history, one course in world history, and probably a course in the history of the state in which he/she resides.
          This very fact tells one a lot about why social studies is part of the curriculum.  Those who oversee such matters and, by extension, the populous they represent, believe that students should get a good sense of who they are as a people, a collective, and that is deemed to be better accomplished by reviewing the history that has created the conditions they are experiencing today.
          Furthermore, the study of history provides an explanation of why the political arrangements where they live exist.  The courses in American history emphasize the political and governmental elements of the nation.  A good deal of focus is placed on the founding of the nation:  the writing of the Declaration of Independence, the Revolutionary War, and the writing and ratification of the US Constitution.
          It is with this backdrop that one should consider the courses of study entitled civics and American government.  In effect, civics is a watered-down version of American government and is taught in middle school.  The course extends for the whole academic year – two semesters.  It is offered either the year before or after the middle school version of American history.  The course further emphasizes the founding of the national political arrangement, its federal system of government, with most attention on the central government in Washington.
          American government is offered in high school usually during the senior year.  This is, of course, a bit more involved than the middle school civics course, but, at least in the state of Florida, is only a semester course (sharing the bill, sort of speaking, with economics, which is the course that is offered during the other semester of the senior year).  If the reader was educated in the nation’s public school system, he/she will probably remember these courses.
          That’s the backdrop for civics and American government.  In this blog, the writer has made the argument that the purpose of social studies, including all the history and civics taught, is to promote good citizenship.  The educational historian, R. Freeman Butts, writes of this goal:
… preparing the people for the common duties of republican citizenship required a common education whose first and basic priority is building and maintaining a cohesive political community devoted to the civic ideals of liberty, equality, popular consent, and personal obligation for the public good.”[1]
But as they say in the vernacular, “that’s a mouthful.”
          And it leads to what this posting is about:  Should civics education be about imparting values and attitudes that support “republican citizenship,” cohesion, and civic ideals such as liberty and equality?  The question becomes even more strident when one considers that public schools are an arm of the government or, stated another way: should the government be about telling us what values and attitudes the nation’s children should have?
          And if one goes along with the commitment to impart values and attitudes, the question becomes:  which values and attitudes?  To date, this blog has outlined three sets of values and attitudes which different political thinkers and social education scholars have advanced.  There is one set of ideas or view that is in force today: that is, overwhelmingly, a mental construct is guiding most of the instructional efforts in civics across the land.  That construct has been called the natural rights construct.
          The natural rights construct is an approach that leaves much of what one should believe to the individual student.  The belief it does promote is that the most important value concerning governance and politics is the value of liberty.  It functions as the trump value in terms of political/governmental affairs. As for natural rights advocates, given their support of liberty, they follow the traditional tenets of liberal political thought.
Centrally, liberal thought believes that individuals should be free to form their own values and goals in life along with the freedom to act toward fulfilling those values and goals. Following John Locke's standard, the right to pursue one's value choices are limited only by the rights of others to do likewise. This is a legitimate expression of liberty. As a trump value, the sanctity of a person to be such a free agent has been identified by the term, individual sovereignty.[2]
To get a good sense of how this construct guides civics education, the reader can look at the predominant American government textbook, Magruder’s American Government,[3] or can look at one of the popular middle school texts, Glencoe Civics Today:  Citizenship, Economics, and You.[4]  In reading either of these texts or others, what one finds is a high reliance on structural treatment of government.
That is, the bulk of the content is a series of descriptions of the various departments, agencies, programs, and the like that make up the government’s structure or the structure of non-government entities that deal with government, such as interest groups.  This content, void of values or attitudes as those identified by Butts, seems to come as close as one can to the position that civics education should not be in the business of promoting political values.
Is it totally void of such concerns?  No, but one can ask:  can it be?  It has been the position of this writer that no matter which approach a civics education program chooses, it will promote values, even if the value is that individuals should have the freedom – liberty – to choose what further values he/she should develop or adopt.  But short of that basic position, the natural rights construct provides the greatest amount of freedom regarding what values a citizen should have in terms of government or politics.
In upcoming postings, this writer will pursue this inquiry as to whether a civics program should teach beyond instructing students what the structure of government is and proceed to encourage or impart a set of governmental/political values and attitudes of more substance.  He will do this by reviewing the other two constructs:  critical theory and federation theory.



[1]R. Freeman Butts, The Civic Mission in Educational Reform: Perspectives for the Public and the Profession (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1989), 65.

[2] Jeffrey Reiman, “Liberalism and Its Critics,” in The Liberalism-Communitarianism Debate, ed. C. F. Delaney (Lanhan, MD:  Rowman and Litttlefield Publishers, Inc., 1994), 19-37.

[3] Willian A. McClenaghan, Magruder’s American Government (Florida Teacher’s Edition) (Boston, MA:  Prentice Hall/Pearson, 2013).

[4] Richard C. Remy, John J. Patrick, David C. Saffell, and Gary E. Clayton.  Glencoe Civics Today:  Citizenship, Economics, and You.  New York, NY:  McGraw Hill Glencoe, 2008.