A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, November 3, 2023

“MILIEU” AS A COMMONPLACE, IV

 

Continuing this blog’s commentary on William Schubert’s commonplaces of curriculum,[1] this posting addresses youth culture, an element of the last of the commonplaces, milieu.  Historically, this element was a fairly stable aspect of American life until the years after World War II.  Since the 1950s, there have been severe changes in the milieu of the typical American school. 

Primarily, the nation’s shift to a natural rights view – one that promotes the central message that everyone has the right to behave in whatever manner a person chooses as long as the behavior does not interfere with others having the same rights – was instituted.  But that general shift was context to other developments that prove to have extensive effects.

Large migration patterns, for example, which saw large numbers of African Americans and Hispanics moving into the northeast and Midwest areas of the country, caused profound social changes.  These changes included the desegregation of schools and the proliferation of large comprehensive schools which replaced small community schools. 

Schools became less homogeneous.[2]  They were characterized as serving populations that were a mixture of races, classes, and ethnicity.  These diverse students varied in the social and academic expectations of the schools they attended.  Society, at large, began to expect schools to accommodate this diversity by being more tolerant, less authoritative, and more democratic. 

Adult supervision became less assertive with little agreement as to what the nature of adult responsibilities should be.  A student culture was allowed to grow and flourish.  School officials began losing their confidence as to their appropriate roles and became uncertain about their mission. 

With a lack of direction there seemed to be a loss of respect among students for their schools and professional staff and a general lessening of the moral authority those schools once enjoyed.  Students did not, to a larger degree, see schools as worthwhile as they once did, or at least commentary at the turn of the century reflected this tendency.[3]

The elements of this disfavor have changed through the years.  Jessica Dicker reports on more recent research that indicates students questioning the value of higher education, disheartened by rising costs of colleges with the associated student loan amounts.  These disincentives are strongly in place despite the judgment that earning college degrees is almost always worth the costs involved.[4]

          The youth culture that arose in the 1960s expressed itself in its music, clothes, hairstyles, and attitudes.  In general, the cultural message that the younger generation expressed was antagonistic to traditional adult values.  As this movement separated itself from the older generation – “the generation gap” – it found legitimacy in the prevailing natural rights perspective.[5] 

The result was an unprecedented delegation of rights to the members of this adolescent age group.  Schools relinquished their loco parentis role to ascribe and enforce duties and responsibilities to the students under their charge.  Rights were at times granted to these youths under the formal auspices of court rulings.[6]

          Youth generally began developing attitudes that held lower levels of legitimacy for school functions, authority, rules, and punishments.  Students held with less respect the notions of doing their best on schoolwork.  Communities were increasingly shut out as the youth culture at schools became less supportive of school ceremonies and rituals, which not only had encouraged school allegiance but community inclusion.  

Of course, these trends vary around the country; fewer urban areas retain a lot of traditional views of local schools but overall, compared to earlier years, these trends are present.  This blogger lives in a city of nearly 200,000 people and notes that local high school football coverage is extensive on local television stations.

Despite reported claims of a return to traditional values in the 1980s (coinciding with Ronald Reagan’s administration), the problems documented earlier in this blog of the current conditions involving the incivility of youth and their general problems bring into question any such claim.  Of more recent vintage, the effects of social media have taken center stage in promoting this incivility.[7] 

The message of this account is that adults, while being sensitive to the expectations of youth, must regain the necessary order that the youth need.  As Philip Selznick describes when he writes about the difference between participatory and repressive socialization, there is a balancing concern:  the aim is to both encourage self-initiative and self-motivation and to also insure a stable and stimulating environment for the development of youth.[8] 

Government and civic instruction should be directed toward encouraging these youth to participate in communal settings in which they feel and know, with familiarity, those involved.  Such instructional strategy should probably begin with political challenges that are found near their surroundings, i.e., local political conflicts or problems.  This does two things:  (a) it provides case studies that might impinge directly on their milieu, and (b) would engage them with people they are more likely to know.

          The liberated federalism approach has the potential of bringing diverse groups together with a shared sense of mission.  That mission can provide the sense of direction that schools seem to be missing.  Adult supervision can take on a collaborative role as was explained earlier in this blog’s description of constructivism approach[9] and is sensitive to the balance Selznick seeks.



[1] William H. Schubert, Curriculum:  Perspective, Paradigm, and Possibility (New York, NY:  MacMillan Publishing Company, 1986).  The commonplaces can be defined as follows:

·       The subject matter refers to the academic content presented in the curriculum. 

·       The teacher is the professional instructor authorized to present and supervise curricular activities within the classroom setting. 

·       Learners are defined as those individuals attending school for the purpose of acquiring the education entailed in a particular curriculum.

·       Milieu refers to the general cultural setting and ambiance within the varied social settings found at the school site.

Upon reflection, these commonplaces prove to be helpful in asking insightful questions.

[2] See for example Deborah Blagg, “Decoding Youth Culture and School Success,” Harvard Graduate School of Education (February 19, 2010), accessed November 1, 2023, URL:  https://www.gse.harvard.edu/ideas/usable-knowledge/10/02/decoding-youth-culture-and-school-success.

[3] Christopher J. Hurn, The Limits and Possibilities of Schooling:  An Introduction to the Sociology of Education (Boston, MA:  Allyn and Bacon, 1993).

[4] Jessica Dicker, “College Is Still Worth It, Research Finds – Although Students Are Growing Skeptical,” CNBC (March 1, 2023), accessed November 1, 2023, URL:  https://www.cnbc.com/2023/03/01/is-college-worth-it-what-the-research-shows.html.

[5] For a granular account of this development, generation to generation, see Jean M. Twenge, Generations:  The Real Differences between Gen Z, Millennials, Gen X, Boomers, and Silents – and What They Mean for America’s Future (New York, NY:  Atria Books, 2023).

[6] “In Loco Parentis,” Wikipedia (n.d.), accessed November 1, 2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/In_loco_parentis#:~:text=Though%20in%20loco%20parentis%20continues,restrictions%20on%20their%20private%20lives AND Hurn, The Limits and Possibilities of Schooling.

[7] Qiusi Sun, Magdalena, and Sam Davidson, “Over-Time Trends in Incivility on Social Media:  Evidence from Political, Non-Political, and Mixed Sub-Reddits over Eleven Years,” Frontiers in Political Science (November 2, 2021), accessed November 1, 2023, https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpos.2021.741605/full.

[8] Philip Selznick, The Moral Commonwealth:  Social Theory and the Promise of Community (Berkeley, CA:  University of California Press, 1992).

[9] For example, in terms of constructivism, see posting, “‘Student’ As a Commonplace, VII,” October 6, 2023.

Tuesday, October 31, 2023

“MILIEU” AS A COMMONPLACE, III

 

To give readers insight about the challenges attached in developing a responsible curriculum, this blog has referred to William Schubert’s commonplaces of curriculum.[1]  In that endeavor, the blog has reviewed all of the commonplaces and how they relate to any suggested curricular changes one might promote for civics education.  It still has some commentary on the last of the commonplaces, milieu, to share.  The last posting commented on the social expectations of schools and this one will address schools’ socio-economic concerns which undergird their base.

          As explained earlier in this blog, Jean Anyon found the types of instruction and curriculum that schools offered were highly associated with the economic status of the children and adolescents who attended those individual schools.[2]  In “working class schools” the tendency was for students to be exposed to instruction relying on rote work with little or no explanation, which leads to mechanistic learning.[3] 

“Affluent professional schools” or “executive elite schools,” on the other hand, were much more apt to utilize instruction that had students engage in creative activities and independent work.  This latter type of work is what is being proposed in this blog’s promotion of the liberated federalism mental construct.  Such instruction allows students to develop analytical skills useful in adult life. 

The consequence of this difference is that through the schools’ hidden curricula, they tend to reinforce the social and economic inequalities that already exist.  Workers’ children are taught the skills and disciplinary dispositions expected of them at the workplace and managers’ and problem-solvers’ children and adolescents are expected to learn the skills they need to take the employment positions of their parents.  This includes such positions as management and consulting work.

          Jere E. Brophy, in the latter years of the past century, argued that the dichotomy of experience is not only one experienced in school, but further experienced in the home.  The reviewed sources of this century do not reveal improvement[4] but describe how upper income parents, who usually hold more intellectually demanding employment, fill their households with discussion and conversation that have a more abstract quality.  Brophy wrote:

 

I take the term “disadvantaged” to imply two things about a child’s background:  (1) poverty and (2) gaps and limitations …  so it should not be taken to imply limited potential, sensory or motor deficits, or learning disabilities … Disadvantaged backgrounds limit students’ readiness for school activities in both quantitative and qualitative ways. …

In addition to … quantitative limitations in disadvantaged students’ background experience, there are gaps and qualitative limitations in their development of cognitive and metacognitive tools for processing and making sense of their experience, transforming and storing this information in a form of codified knowledge, and assessing and applying it in relevant future situations.[5]

 

Of course, this condition of treating different socio-economic groups differently in terms of the educational advantages provided is an affront to the nation’s stated political value of equality.

          This blogger, in a published article, argued that the educational product presented to lower income students should be different in terms of the level of abstraction in which the material is presented.[6]  This is not to avoid abstraction but to recognize the exposure these students have had.  This demands curricular constructs of content that are flexible enough to meet the different levels of abstraction that are of potential utilization.  The judgment of this account is that its proposed model, the liberated federalism model, offers such flexibility. 

The model is open-ended in terms of the specific conditions which might be portrayed under its use.  Challenging political situations can vary from relatively simple concerns to highly complex ones.  The portrayal of the compact-al, federated union can also vary in complexity.  But its basic components are easy to understand and amply demonstrable by the experiences of any youngster. 

Bonds formed among young friends in primary groups, for example, often exhibit the characteristics described under the concept, fraternal ethos.[7]  Therefore, the judgment of this account is that the use of the liberated federalism model can meet the demands of the different income groups by allowing teachers or material developers to gear the material to appropriate levels of abstraction and therefore, provide the pathway to more meaningful and insightful understanding of governance and politics.



[1] William H. Schubert, Curriculum:  Perspective, Paradigm, and Possibility (New York, NY:  MacMillan Publishing Company, 1986).  The commonplaces can be defined as follows:

·       The subject matter refers to the academic content presented in the curriculum. 

·       The teacher is the professional instructor authorized to present and supervise curricular activities within the classroom setting. 

·       Learners are defined as those individuals attending school for the purpose of acquiring the education entailed in a particular curriculum.

·       Milieu refers to the general cultural setting and ambiance within the varied social settings found at the school site.

Upon reflection, these commonplaces prove to be helpful in asking insightful questions.

[2] Jean Anyon, “Social Class and the Hidden Curriculum of Work,” in Curriculum:  An Introduction to the Field, 2nd Edition, edited by James R. Gregg (Berkeley, CA:  McCutchan, 1988), 366-389 AND for a more general overview on the ways financial resources have on education see “Does Money Matter in Education? Second Edition,” Albert Shanker Institute (2023), accessed October 28, 2023, URL:  https://www.shankerinstitute.org/resource/does-money-matter-education-second-edition#:~:text=Schooling%20resources%20that%20cost%20money%2C%20including%20smaller%20class%20sizes%2C%20additional,positively%20associated%20with%20student%20outcomes.

[3] For a granular review of how money affects the quality of education students of various income levels receive, see Henry M. Levin, “On the Relationship Poverty and Curriculum,” North Carolina Law Review, 85, 5 (June 1, 2007), 1383-1418, (quotation below, page 1403).  Here is a sample of that work:

 

The signs of different expectations are subtle but evident, even at the elementary school level. Schools serving lower-income students often stress following directions, while the middle class students are charged with critical analysis of school subjects."  Teachers of low income students often place more emphasis on discipline, and children's experiences are circumscribed because of concerns that they will not behave appropriately if given challenging or enriching experiences or provided with too much independence.

[4] For example, see “Unequal Opportunities:  Fewer Resources, Worse Outcomes for Students in Schools with Concentrated Poverty,” Commonwealth Institute (1921), accessed October 31, 2023, URL:  https://thecommonwealthinstitute.org/research/unequal-opportunities-fewer-resources-worse-outcomes-for-students-in-schools-with-concentrated-poverty/.

[5] Jere E. Brophy, “Effective Schooling for Disadvantage Students,” in Better Schooling for the Children of Poverty:  Alternatives to Conventional Wisdom, edited by Michael S. Knapp and Patrick. M. Shields (Berkeley, CA:  McCutchan Publishing Corporation, 1991), 211-234, 211-212.

[6] Robert Gutierrez, “Teaching Secondary Social Studies to Low and Moderate Achievers:  A Modest Proposal,” The Social Studies, July/August, 149-154.

[7] For readers new to this blog, the liberated federalist view promotes a view of state-building which depends on a sacred (either secularly or religiously defined) agreement in which founding parties come together to formulate the resulting polity.  In turn, it counts of its citizenry to maintain a relatively high level of federation among its members.  Hence, a “fraternal ethos” becomes important.  The problem is that this nation has veered away from such leanings and has adopted a natural rights view with its high level of individualism to define how the citizenry defines governance and politics.