A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, October 29, 2021

AND THE MATERIALS

 

[Note:  This posting is a continuation of a series of postings that addresses what a civics teacher preparation program should include.  If not read, the reader is encouraged to check out the previous postings in this series that began with the posting on September 28, 2021, entitled “Prime Reason.”]

And then there is one: the last of five elements of a viable teacher preparation program especially for civics teachers in public schools.  That element is:

 

Element Five:  A program that identifies civics classroom materials and curricular approaches that address and enhance the other four elements of a viable teacher preparation program.

 

This will not take too many more comments since, in essence, this last element simply aims to put in place what the other elements advance.  And a viable way to describe what is being called for is to review what the blogger attempted to do in his FSU days in his teacher preparation, inquiry course.

          His students in that course were expected to make presentations on three reputable inquiry models.  At that time, the three were the Engle and Ochoa model, the jurisprudential model, and the Massialas and Cox model.  Today, the list would be different; for example, this blogger presents a model in his book, Toward a Federated Nation.  In addition to those prior models, the students were also presented with the “We the People …” materials from the Center for Civic Education.

          In all of these, students were/are asked to discuss the models and materials in relation to the other elements previously described.  As the development of the course continues, the instructor should add other published materials for the students to analyze.  This blogger is currently writing a book that looks closely at the two major textbooks high schools currently employ:  Magruder’s American Government[1] and Glencoe United States Government:  Democracy in Action.[2]

          By way of a teaser, that review makes the following claims:

 

·      The books offer its mostly descriptive content to students in extremely objectified language.  In line with scientific efforts, that language avoids any value or attitudinal positions regarding its content.

·      The chosen information, though, reflects what is currently debatable or controversial in American society.  Given the language used in these books, that reportage does not explicitly state this editorial bias, but given what is included, one cannot find all of those choices as coincidental.  In short, the effort of these books is to inform future voters about what the writers of those texts believe will be the issues that students will confront as adults.

·      While many of the chosen issues can be analyzed and debated in terms of how they relate to justice or how they advance or detract from a civil society, the books tend to avoid questioning along those concerns.  Yes, there are exceptions, but they are passing on bits of information or inquiries without much focus placed on them.[3]

·      By providing information that informs future voters about what will possibly affect their “consumer” interests, the texts naturally portray an individualistic approach to this study of politics.  Of course, as with any reportage of politics, one must mention collective or communal arrangements at some point.  But the reflected aims do not center on what advances or hurts the common advantages of those arrangements, either in how highlighted issues are relevant to common causes or how citizens have entailed obligations regarding those issues. 

·      And finally, and this is the qualification alluded to earlier in the book, Glencoe differs from Magruder to the extent that the former attempts to adopt the methodology of behavioral political science.[4]  Glencoe, with its inclusion of raw data and inquiry questioning, reasonably mimics what political scientists do – but is gauged to the sophistication of its audience, that being high school students.  But in no way do the textbooks pick up the challenge that Daniel Elazar’s aims[5] represent.  The books are mostly silent on issues of justice or civility.

 

Overall, therefore, these books, if used – and the likelihood is very high that they will be used – need to be extensively supplemented in order to meet what the elements highlight.  A viable preparation course addresses the main obstacles to accomplishing meaningful civics education in the nation’s schools.  It warns prospective teachers that their social studies classroom is not an isolated reality.

          It encourages them to boldly address what might be for their students unpopular ideas or issues.  In addition, the presentation provides a tool to analyze curricular packages and materials.  By juxtaposing the two continuums presented earlier in this series – egocentric to universal and scientific/technical to holistic – one can mentally gauge the various material products one encounters.

          The mental presentation identifies some very basic concerns.  They indicate that in order to be successful in one’s classroom and revitalize a commitment to viable civics education, one must address some very fundamental attributes of the nation’s collective and individual existence.  The extent of what one finds currently in the nation’s political landscape – its problems and issues – unfortunately has seeped into issues of legitimacy both in the eyes of parents and the nation’s student population.

          So, to finish this series, here are the five elements:

 

Element One:  A viable teacher preparation program needs to make clear that civic preparation is not only a foundation of civics education or even social studies, but also of all public education and of responsible private educational programs as well.

Element Two:  A preparation program identifies both the challenge presented by the commodification of education and the popular culture that supports such commodification by describing it, explaining it, and evaluating it.

Element Three:  A program that imparts the teaching skills that allow those perspective teachers to conduct curriculum strategies that instruct children and adolescents in the civic knowledge and skills suitable to their developmental level and to the civic challenges of their community, state, and nation.

Element Four:  A program that couches, primarily through civics education but radiating throughout a utilized curriculum, an instructional approach in moral terms.  And …

Element Five:  A program that identifies civics classroom materials and curricular approaches that address and enhance the other four elements of a viable teacher preparation program.

 

Enough said.



[1] William McClenaghan, Magruder’s American Government (Florida Teacher’s Edition) (Boston, MA:  Prentice Hall/Pearson, 2013) AND Daniel M. Shea, Magruder’s American Government (Boston, MA:  Prentice Hall/Pearson, 2019).

[2] Richard C. Remy, Glencoe United States Government:  Democracy in Action (New York, NY:  McGraw-Hill/Glencoe, 2010).

[3] For example, in Glencoe’s coverage of economic politics, an editorial cartoon appears in which three fish of various sizes are depicted.  The smallest fish states, “There is no justice in the world,” as it is about to be eaten by the midsized fish.  The midsized fish says, “There is some justice in the world,” as it is about to be eaten by the large fish.  And, of course, the large fish says, “The world is just.”  This example is in the textbook, in the opinion of this blogger, more for its humor than its concern for justice.  See Remy, Glencoe United States Government, 718.

[4] This account dedicates a bit of space (see appendix chapter) to reviewing what constitutes behavioral studies, especially in political science. 

[5] Elazar’s aims for political science are pursuing justice, discovery of factors affecting political behavior, and promoting civil society.

Tuesday, October 26, 2021

MORAL TERMS IN INSTRUCTION

 

[Note:  This posting is a continuation of a series of postings that addresses what a civics teacher preparation program should include.  If not read, the reader is encouraged to check out the previous postings in this series that began with the posting on September 28, 2021, entitled “Prime Reason.”]

Just to be clear, the last posted entry of this blog was a “digression,” that is, an interjected bit of information for readers who have secured a book this blogger has had published, Toward a Federated Nation.  That book, through its end/footnotes refers to supplemental chapters or essays augmenting, clarifying, or otherwise further explaining an aspect of that book.  It also does the same for an upcoming book this blogger is planning to get published.

          As for the current path this blog has taken, this posting continues what the series of postings has been addressing.  It continues reviewing a list of five elements this blogger believes a teacher preparation program should include.  The blog is up to element four.  It is,

 

Element four:  A program that couches, primarily through civics education but radiating throughout a utilized curriculum, an instructional approach in moral terms.

 

Perhaps the reader by now – if he/she has been reading the various entries of this series – has decided where this blogger stands in relation to the cultural wars.  Let him be clear; he profoundly respects and supports the constitutional provisions for the separation of church and state.  He fully supports the obstacles against proselytizing in the nation’s public schools.  But that does not mean the nation should have a civics education that pretends to be neutral on values and morals.

          For one thing, that is not what the nation has today.  Under the guise of taking a hands-off posture to value questions or positioning, current civics curricular strategies leave it to individual students to determine what values they choose to adopt or develop.  This blogger has called such a posture a natural rights position.  While ostensibly neutral, in actuality, such a curricular stand is promoting capitalist values. 

What determines “goodness” or “badness” revolves around what sells on any given day or season.  Goodness is what is popularly considered good, and badness is what is popularly cast as evil or immoral.  But if an educator believes such an approach is not only counterproductive, it is at some level dictating the nation’s lack of morality or abundance of amorality.  But what is one to do about this state of affairs?

This blogger believes that public schools can teach a more substantive moral position.  When advocating such a stance, the immediate concern one hears is whose values and morals should be adopted?  This blogger believes an American answer to such a question – especially when directed toward civic concerns – should be that of the founding fathers, expressed in their profound wisdom by what they expressed in relation to the nation’s founding documents.

To explain, one is assisted by categorizing what those patriots produced in both the Declaration of Independence and the US Constitution.  So, for example, the structure of the US Constitution makes it a compact.  This structure comes from the covenants (a form of a compact) that organized congregational churches in colonial times and, in turn, originated from Judeo traditions.

Covenants are documents that contain solemn pledges of unity in which the pledged parties swear to uphold the provisions of the covenant, irrespective of what any of the parties might or might not do.  A covenant calls on God to witness such unions.  The broader category, the compact, is such a pledge but does not call on God to be a witness. 

As the political scientist, Donald Lutz,[1] points out, an analysis of the founding documents from the time of the Mayflower Compact (which is a covenant) point out that the founding framers of the nation’s republic were very conscious of this meaning.  That is why one treats the Constitution with such solemnity.

A closer view, though, brings out a very important development.  The Declaration of Independence is a covenant.  The United States Constitution is a compact.  There is no mention of a higher power in the Constitution.  The only mention of religion, in effect, limits its influence while protecting it from government interference.  This blogger believes that the founding fathers were admonishing their posterity with the words “to promote a more perfect union” to create a moral foundation based on a secular morality.

Such a claim can be controversial.  This secular morality is not meant to interfere with the general sense of morality emanating from established religions but is to be one which the civic public could count on no matter what the personal moral beliefs of an individual might be.  While the Constitution, including the Bill of Rights, establishes the basis for the nation’s law, not the nation’s general sense of morality, in doing so it also reflects who Americans are as a people, what their constitution (with a small “c”) is, and their basic cultural beliefs are. 

As this blogger, in his teaching days, tried to convey to his high school students, a national constitution is the ideals of a culture meeting the practical realities of a nation.  Central to creating a more perfect union is creating the structure, not only of government, but of a society that promotes its own survival and advancement.

The criteria defining advancement are determined by the posterity of the founding generation.  Within that mandate, one can determine from experience certain principles that need to be respected in order for survival and advancement to proceed.  These principles can be expressed in terms of values.  They would include liberty, equality, justice, loyalty, a disposition to work in communities, private property, honesty, and so forth.[2]

Civics education should be based on a definite set of values not from those in power deciding what they should be, not from religious theology, but from a non-ending study of what has led societies to survive and advance.  One reads of such a study when one considers the references that the nation’s founding generation made in its pamphlets and other written works. 

In similar fashion, one should not be shy about the nation’s moral commitment to the principles of the Constitution, particularly to its invitation – or is it its expectation – for the nation to engage in this moral process, which in part is very settled and in part is open to debate and discussion.  And with that spirit, one can approach the day-to-day challenges civics teachers face and that their preparation to be teachers should have prepared them to tackle – which is the topic of the last element and fleshed out in the next and last posting of this series.



[1] Donald S. Lutz, The Origins of American Constitutionalism (Baton Rouge, LA:  Louisiana State University Press, 1988).

[2] Robert Gutierrez, “Rekindling Concerns over Moral Politics in the Classroom,” The Social Studies, 92, 3 (2001), 113-119.