A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, June 24, 2022

JUDGING PAROCHIAL FEDERALISM, XXIII

 

An advocate of parochial federalism continues his/her presentation[1]

Expectations of Schools (cont.)

The last two postings reviewed the major philosophic schools of thought in the field of education.  There are four: perennialism, essentialism, progressivism, and reconstructionism.  The reader is invited, using the archive feature, to read those postings if that has not been done.  Part of that text pointed out that parochial/traditional federalism, if used to guide civics education, would most likely be associated with perennialism and its focus on the grand traditions of Western civilization – its great ideas and great books.

          In further describing and explaining this connection, this posting will again focus on the work of Mortimer Adler and his updating of perennialism.  He calls for a signal track, i.e., the same curriculum for all students.  That single curriculum should emphasize a preparation to life in which one can go on learning.  In his Paideia curriculum, a prominent objective has to do with “the individual’s role as an enfranchised citizen of this republic.”[2]

          He writes,

 

The reason why universal suffrage in a true democracy calls for universal public schooling is that the former without the latter produces an ignorant electorate and amounts to a travesty of democratic institutions and processes.  To avoid this danger, public schooling must be universal in more than its quantitative aspect.  It must be universal also in its qualitative aspect.  Hence, … [an] objective of basic schooling – [is to have] an adequate preparation for discharging the duties and responsibilities of citizenship.[3]

 

Note the federalist bias toward duties and responsibilities.  But would a general education undermine the attempts of schools to prepare youngsters for the work-a-day world?  The argument of this perennial source is that it does not.  Adler explains,

 

As compared with narrow, specialized training for particular jobs, general schooling is of the greatest practical value.  It is good not only because it is calculated to achieve two of the three main objectives at which basic schooling should aim – preparing for citizenship and personal development and continued growth.  It is also good practically because it will provide preparation for earning a living.

          Of all the creatures on earth, human beings are the least specialized in anatomical equipment and in instinctive modes of behavior.  They are, in consequence, more flexible than other creatures in their ability to adjust to the widest variety of environments and to rapidly changing external circumstances.  They are adjustable to every clime and condition on earth and perpetually adjustable to the shock of change.

          That is why general, nonspecialized schooling has the quality that most befits human nature.  That is why, in terms of practicality and utility, it is better than any other kind of schooling.[4]

 

Therefore, the use of parochial/traditional federalism construct with its dependence on a methodology that relies on discussion of constitutional, republican ideas and ideals would not only instruct as to the duties and responsibilities the citizenry has or a general communal commitment it should have, but also would add, in a practical fashion, a preparation for all students in whatever course they choose. 

Therefore, current American curriculum should incorporate Adler’s prescriptions to be amenable to the interests of all socio-economic classes and their expectations.  And that completes this argument’s position on the expectations of schools.  The next element of this overall argument presents is a school’s socio-economic base. 

This blog will address it in the next posting and, if space allows, will also address student culture.  With those two elements, the overall argument promoting the parochial/traditional federalism will be completed and lead to this blogger’s overall critique of this construct.  That critique will be the last element of this blog’s review of this side of the dialect debate between parochial federalism and natural rights perspectives.  The blog will then address the antithesis – what would become basically the thesis – that being the natural rights view.



[1] This presentation begins with the posting, “A Parochial Subject Matter” (March 11, 2022).  The reader is reminded that the claims made in this posting do not necessarily reflect the beliefs or knowledge of this blogger.  Instead, the posting is a representation of what an advocate of parochial federalism might present.  This is done to present a dialectic position of that construct.

[2] Mortimer J. Adler, The Paideia Proposal:  An Educational Manifesto (New York, NY:  Collier Books, 1982).  Page not available.

[3] Ibid., 17.

[4] Ibid., 19-20.

Tuesday, June 21, 2022

PHILOSOPHIES OF EDUCATION (cont.)

 

To further contextualize this blog’s review of Mortimer Adler’s contribution – his application of the academic rationalist approach to curriculum development – this posting will complete its review of the four major philosophic traditions:  perennialism (academic rationalism), essentialism, progressivism, and reconstructionism (critical theory). 

What remains after the last posting’s descriptions of perennialism and essentialism are those of progressivism and reconstructionism.  And as with the last posting, this one will rely chiefly on Augsberg’s chart of educational philosophies.[1]

Progressivism.  This philosophy takes a more holistic approach and shies away from making distinctions between content and/or the teacher.  If anything, this approach zeroes in on process or instructional strategies that have students utilize experimental testing or studies.  By doing so, students are directed to actively test ideas through experiments; in short, progressivism calls for interactive education.

          As for content, it argues for students to use their experiences from their social worlds.  They are to question what they see and experience, especially as they take note of the problems that they, and the people they observe, encounter.  “Learning is rooted in the questions of learners that arise through experiencing the world. It is active, not passive. The learner is a problem solver and thinker who makes meaning through his or her individual experience in the physical and cultural context.”[2] 

And with that focus, effective teaching exposes students to active situations in which students learn by interacting and performing with what the situations demand or encourage.  So, learning becomes first-person, i.e., it results from what students do within the context of those situations.

Application of this approach has to date relied heavily on the scientific method which in turn imposes first-hand experiences in systematically organized lessons that usually test hypothetical claims or “if/then” speculations.  And the resulting learning does not rely on being told what to know, but on a process in which they take part and derive their answers to those various inquiries.  While this might sound somewhat modern, progressive education has a history stretching back to the mid-1920s. 

The leadership of John Dewey, until the mid-1950s, aimed efforts at improving the ways people lived their lives as citizens of a meaningful democracy not just as a political polity.  And that meant democratizing the nation’s institutions such as education.  “Shared decision making, planning of teachers with students, student-selected topics are all aspects [of this approach].  Books are tools, rather than authority.”[3]

Reconstructionism/Critical Theory.  The aims of this last philosophy have to do with social realities and how they relate to accomplishing a better society within a worldwide democracy.  The focus to attain those aims is to institute a curriculum that promotes social reforms.  Initially, the approach was spurred forward by the realities of World War II. 

At that time, under the leadership of Theodore Brameld, a new awareness evolved, that being a realization that humans could annihilate themselves through technology motivated by cruelty.  But there was another side to this realization in that humans could also bring about beneficial societal arrangements using those same technological capabilities.

          Another leader of this shift was George Counts.  He saw that education could be the vehicle by which society could create a new social order.  The path by which to accomplish such a lofty goal – to overcome oppressive practices – was by preparing people, beginning with young ones, to address and discover those practices and policies that set social efforts toward that just order.  For example – and citing another leader of this approach,

 

Paulo Freire (1921-1997) was a Brazilian whose experiences living in poverty led him to champion education and literacy as the vehicle for social change. In his view, humans must learn to resist oppression and not become its victims, nor oppress others. To do so requires dialog and critical consciousness, the development of awareness to overcome domination and oppression. Rather than "teaching as banking," in which the educator deposits information into students' heads, Freire saw teaching and learning as a process of inquiry in which the child must invent and reinvent the world. For social reconstructionists and critical theorists, curriculum focuses on student experience and taking social action on real problems, such as violence, hunger, international terrorism, inflation, and inequality.[4]

 

 

To seek out these varied ambitions, each dealing with those aspects of life that are controversial – especially as the approach is applied to social studies and literature – teachers are to utilize inquiry into various perspectives and concentrate on the dialogue – the language – that, first recognizes it as a language, and second, defines or realistically reflects the assumptions and contexts of that which is under study.  Where possible, the curriculum should be, according to this approach, in students’ “backyards,” their communities – i.e., implement a “first person” education.

One last point should be made.  This is not part of Augsberg’s chart, but it is the experience of this blogger that proponents of critical theory do seem to share a positive disposition toward Marxian philosophy.  For example, given the central role Paulo Freire played in promoting critical theory, one can definitely consider that influence to be well-categorized as Marxist.  Patrick O’Connor writes,

The academic consensus is that Freire advanced a radical and even Marxist educational theory and practice. Pedagogy of the Oppressed [Freire’s most noted book] is promoted as one of the founding texts of so-called “critical pedagogy.” This has been bolstered by the promotion of Freire by various pseudo-left figures internationally from the 1970s to the present day. This includes, in the US, linguist Noam Chomsky (“Freire is a radical revolutionary”) and educationalist Peter McLaren (Freire, he recently wrote in Jacobin, “continues to be a lodestar for teachers working in poverty-stricken communities across the globe, and for just about anyone who’s searching for a sense of justice in an unjust world”).[5]

 

This connection is not offered as a criticism, but hopefully as an attempt to be complete in this presentation.

In the spirit of being upfront, this blogger considers himself a progressive.  His reservation with that approach is its bias toward scientific research as a sole mode of investigation, to the exclusion of other modes such as historical approaches.  With the New Social Studies movement from the 1960s, the social studies national effort has favored inquiry as the favored instructional strategy. 

Despite this, that form of instruction has had little success in being adopted in America’s schools.  Teachers for the most part have not adopted inquiry as their go-to instructional practice.  Instead, they mostly rely on didactic methods.  On the other hand, a defender of parochial/traditional federalism would be apt to advocate perennialism.  

That school of thought and its siding with the Western civilization’s great ideas and great books fit neatly with parochial federalism’s origins and its reliance on religious and other philosophical traditions.  And with that rundown, one is better equipped to consider Mortimer Adler’s contribution to the description of the “milieu” commonplace of curriculum.



[1] “Educational Philosophical Definitions and Comparison Chart,” Augsburg (n.d.), accessed June 15, 2022, https://web.augsburg.edu/~erickson/edc490/downloads/comparison_edu_philo.pdf .

[2] Ibid., n.p.

[3] Ibid., n.p.

[4] Ibid., n.p.

[5] Patrick O’Connor, “Paulo Freire and the Pedagogy of the Pseudo-Left,” World Socialist Web Site, October 15, 2021, accessed June 19, 2022, https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2021/10/16/frei-o16.html .