A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, January 9, 2015

FOCUS

As I indicated in my last posting, I want to present a content analysis of the government textbook, Magruder’s American Government.[1]  The book will be from here on referred to as Magruder’s – that’s what we in the business call it.  Again, my purpose is to see how much the book encourages a student in one direction or the other between thinking in a collectivist fashion or an individualist fashion.  This will not be anything like an extensive review; one, I believe, is not needed.  For my purposes, by asking a few questions about a few topics of content, we can get a good sense of where the book’s emphasis is along this dimension.  The questions guiding this analysis are:  what is the assumed motivation of a student in his or her reading of the book’s content?  Is it to further the student’s role within collectives or is it to advance his/her knowledge of what is useful to advance personal political/governmental ambitions?[2]  Does the book cover the needs of organizations or other arrangements or does it focus on what the individual needs to know to advance private concerns?  The content choices are developing community (better known as community development), placing a demand on government, influencing local governmental policy, and describing or explaining a governmental agency – such as Social Security.  I have chosen these topics because they relate directly to social capital.  In turn, social capital refers to a societal quality which is characterized by having an active, public-spirited citizenry, egalitarian political relations, and a social environment of trust and cooperation.


Let me start by sharing the book’s table of contents.  Remember, we are interested, as I pointed out in my last posting, in how much the author of the book, William A. McClenaghan, dissects the subject matter.  Here are the chapter titles and number of pages in each chapter:
Chapter 1 – Principles of Government, 26 pages
Chapter 2 – Origins of Government, 38 pages
Chapter 3 – The Constitution, 26 pages
Chapter 4 – Federalism, 28 pages
Chapter 5 – Political Parties, 30 pages
Chapter 6 – Voters and Voter Behavior, 32 pages
Chapter 7 – The Electoral Process, 30 pages
Chapter 8 – Mass Media and Public Opinion, 28 pages
Chapter 9 – Interest Groups, 26 pages
Chapter 10 – Congress, 28 pages
Chapter 11 – Powers of Congress, 34 pages
Chapter 12 – Congress in Action, 34 pages
Chapter 13 – The Presidency, 36 pages
Chapter 14 – The Presidency in Action, 26 pages
Chapter 15 – Government at Work:  The Bureaucracy, 30 pages
Chapter 16 – Financing Government, 26 pages
Chapter 17 – Foreign Policy and National Defense, 38 pages
Chapter 18 – The Federal Court System, 26 pages
Chapter 19 – Civil Liberties:  First Amendment Freedoms, 32 pages
Chapter 20 – Civil Liberties:  Protecting Individual Rights, 34 pages
Chapter 21 – Civil Liberties:  Justice Under Law, 34 pages
Chapter 22 – Comparative Political Systems, 32 pages
Chapter 23 – Comparative Economic Systems, 30 pages
Chapter 24 – (Florida edition) Governing Florida and the States, 34 pages
Chapter 25 – (Florida edition) Florida’s Local Government and Finance, 31 pages

There are 180 days in the school year.  Many weeks of the school year are not made up of five days.  For example, Thanksgiving week is only three days.  Many schools operate under the assumption that every course taught can follow the same format in that tests are assigned a specific day of the week so as not to overload a student with too many tests on the same day.  So your test day in biology would be on a Monday, social studies on a Friday, language arts on a Wednesday, and so on.  The natural approach is to divide your course by units that last a week and attempt to cover a chapter per unit.  That means a chapter needs to be covered – given the practical constraints of the calendar – in a week’s time.  Now put yourself in the shoes of the average high school student – a person who cares next to nothing about the topics covered in Magruder.  And then there is the fact that government is one of six courses you are taking.  Government in Florida is offered usually in the senior year and some of your other courses might include pre-calculus, physics, and world literature.  So figure in applying to colleges and the general exhaustion of being at this type of schooling for twelve or more years.  And for the teacher, this is the challenge if you choose to accept it:  teach American government in such a way as to promote social capital using the above content.

My first reaction to the above list of chapters is that the above content puts almost all of its emphasis on the structure and working of the central government and how it is influenced – only two chapters, at the end of the text, are dedicated to local government and most of that attention is at the state level.  Social capital is promoted by participation in governmental affairs.  For most of us, effective participation is limited to involvement with local government – usually city or county government, not national government.  Why?  Most of us do not have the resources to affect national policy, but we do have the resources to influence local politics and policy formation.  So if the goal is to promote participation which in turn encourages social capital, shouldn’t the emphasis in our government education be directed to the local level?  That’s what makes sense to me.  The above distribution of attention, on the other hand, I judge to be geared not to participation, but observation.  If successful, the above content seems to me to be geared to informing the average citizen so that he or she will be knowledgeable enough to view the national news, understand it, and perhaps vote for national policy makers from a knowledge base that can translate personal preferences to those voting decisions.

What I will outline in the next few postings are exceptions to this general observation of Magruder’s.  Let me emphasize that the exceptions are just that; they make up few entries in the textbook and are easily lost and ignored, given the overall challenge of “teaching” an almost 800 page textbook in fewer than 36 weeks.  In the next posting, I will specifically address the topic of community development.



[1] McClenaghan, W. A.  (2013).  Magruder’s American Government (Florida Teacher’s Edition).  Boston, MA:  Prentice Hall/Pearson.

[2] By political/governmental ambition I do not necessarily mean a pursuit of a career in politics or government.  I am referring to any desire one might have in which government action is necessary to fulfill.  This can extend from filling in a pothole to receiving a Social Security payment.  Of course, it also includes getting a government job.

Monday, January 5, 2015

A TEXTBOOK BIAS

If you want to know what the content of government courses in the US is, just pick up a copy of Magruder’s American Government.  This text is the overwhelming choice of most schools and school districts.  In the upcoming postings, I will go over some of the book’s content to make my case; i.e., the natural rights construct is the guiding perspective determining the content of its pages.  Let me be clear, as stated previously in this blog, that educators would not use this terminology to describe this book, but I contend that, whether conscious or not, this bias exists and the effects of such a promoted view of government are real.

What I will report is a content analysis.  Specifically, I will review the book and ask:  what is the assumed motivation of a student in his or her reading of this content?  Is it to further the student’s role within collectives or is it to advance his/her knowledge of what is useful to advance personal political ambitions?  Does the book cover the needs of organizations or other arrangements or does it focus on what the individual needs to know to advance private concerns?  I expect that these issues are not addressed directly, but I hypothesize that the language used by the text assumes a particular tone or direction, one that basically says that when you happen to want or “need” some service from government this is what you need to know.  But the demands of encouraging a citizenry that supports social capital need to be more proactive in encouraging a disposition to support and bolster the values associated with social capital.  Let me remind you of how I am using this term, social capital:  social capital, as a societal quality, is characterized by having an active, public-spirited citizenry, egalitarian political relations, and a social environment of trust and cooperation.  I believe the above questions address the type of concerns associated with social capital.  By answering them, we can get a good feel of whether American government texts promote social capital or not.

Before beginning this analysis, let me first add some context.  One critique I have offered is that curricular offerings today have relied on a view of politics that can be described as the structural-functional approach.  This is an outgrowth of a political science construct known as political systems model.  Early in this blog, I reviewed the basic elements of political systems and I emphasized how in mid-20th century, political scientists were taken by this model as a way to incorporate more scientific methods into their research.  In terms of what I am focusing on, textbook content, I feel I should draw your attention to what I perceive is a serious problem with the approach that text writers and publishers use in determining that content;  that is, these text producers opted for a view of governance and politics that furthers reductionism or reductive language. 

Let me explain.  The basic notion of reductionism is to conceptually dissect any aspect of reality on the belief that by doing so, one can look at the separate elements making up that reality so that after each element is viewed, one can add them all together and understand them.  Let me use David Brooks’ words to describe what is being promoted:
This way of thinking [reductionism] induces people to think they can understand a problem by dissecting it into its various parts.  They can understand a person’s personality if they just tease out and investigate his genetic or environmental traits.  This deductive mode is the specialty of conscious cognition – the sort of cognition that is linear and logical.

The problem with this approach is that it has trouble explaining dynamic complexity, the essential feature of a human being, a culture, or a society.  So recently there has been a greater appreciation of the structure of emergent systems.  Emergent systems exist when different elements come together and produce something that is greater than the sum of their parts.  Or, to put it differently, the pieces of a system interact, and out of their interaction something entirely new emerges.[1]
To the list of emergent systems Brooks identifies, he can add governments.  The structural-functional approach that textbooks adopt, including Magruder’s American Government, portrays a view of government very much in this dissecting mode.  As result, we have a view of government more akin to what one uses to view a machine, when what is needed is a view that sees government and politics as an organism.

The next few postings will look at this shortcoming more closely.  In order to be somewhat efficient in this effort, I have chosen several content topics to zero in on:  community development, placing a demand on government, influencing local governmental policy, and describing or explaining a governmental agency – such as Social Security.  I have chosen these topics because they directly relate to social capital.



[1] Brooks, D.  (2011).  The social animal:  The hidden sources of love, character, and achievement.  New York, NY:  Random House, pp. 108-109.