A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, July 17, 2015

PLEASE

Have you noticed that a lot of our current political debate often questions disagreements in terms of legitimacy?  That is, opponents of a given policy are not content with attacking the prudence of the policy, they instead ratchet up the stakes by claiming said policy is somehow unconstitutional or immoral or both.  One recurring line of argument goes like this:  the federal government does not have the constitutional authority to implement the program or regulation that the government has put into effect.  After all, the Constitution doesn’t say, for example, anything about healthcare.  Or the Constitution doesn’t say anything about providing unemployment insurance.  Yet the federal government has instituted programs that do exactly that.  The powers of the federal government are delegated powers and, therefore, the federal authority has limited powers; it is not free to just legislate any old thing that the contemporary set of lawmakers wishes to initiate.  Is this true?  Are programs such as Affordable Healthcare and Social Security plainly illegitimate exercises of power?

Let’s look at the delegated powers of the United States.  They, for the most part, are found in Article I, Section 8.  That portion reads as follows:
The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;
To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;
To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes;
To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States;
To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;
To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States;
To establish Post Offices and post Roads;
To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;
To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;
To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;
To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;
To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;
To provide and maintain a Navy;
To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;
To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;
To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;
To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;--And
To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.
Now some of this language sounds a bit specific.  For example,
To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States …
This provision allowed the federal government to establish Washington, D. C.  But most of the language is not specific and is subject to a wide range of interpretations.  For example,
The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States …
“Provide for … general Welfare of the United States”?  Please; the purpose of the founders of this republic was to form a government that could govern, period.  Add to this the power to regulate interstate and international commerce and you have a government that does not need to have specific reference in the Constitution to establish and maintain any program the Tea Party, libertarians, or any other faction of the extreme right wing wants to undermine with inflammatory language - language that questions their legitimacy on constitutional grounds.

And which body determines the meaning and constitutionality of any law?  Not Congress, not the President, but the Supreme Court and that court provides this function as citizens bring legal action that questions the constitutionality of a specific law.  And each of the laws and programs that the extreme right wing has objected to has been so questioned and has been deemed legitimate under the auspices of the Constitution. 


Enough with the language; those who use it are undermining the legitimacy of our government and are adding to the general level of cynicism.  This is not justified and is very harmful to the general welfare.

Tuesday, July 14, 2015

CENTRAL OBLIGATON

Let me share a brief word on obligation.  In a free society, are we free to decide we have no obligation toward that society?  For example, if you were living in the US on December 8, 1941, had the means to travel out of the country and escape any call for the draft which would result in finding yourself in the armed forces, would you have had an obligation to stay in the country and have done your part to fight the enemy?  More to the point being made here, did you have a right to leave?  How about in peace time; are there obligations in normal times?  Do you have an obligation to obey laws and pay taxes – to be simply civil and good-natured toward your fellow citizens?  Or do you have the right to choose values and courses of action in which you are not these things, singularly or collectively?  I ask because central to the natural rights construct is this notion of liberty in which you do have such rights, with maybe the exception to disobey the law – including not paying taxes.  What is the extent, under the natural rights approach, of a citizen’s obligations, of his or her rights?  What are the distinctions between rights and obligations?  And if one determines that there are obligations beyond obeying the law, should those obligations be bolstered, promoted, or otherwise supported by public policy; that is, backed up by laws or regulations issued by the government?

I honestly don’t know the answer to these questions.  I suppose answers would vary according to the defender of natural rights one chooses to listen to.  Even under the natural rights construct, one believes that one has an obligation not to hurt others or interfere with others sharing in the rights one enjoys.  But how intrusive is that obligation in the normal course of one’s life?  Is it minimal, limited to any direct action that obstructs others having their rights – such as in the case of kidnapping?  Or interfering with someone exercising his/her right of free speech?  Or cheating a partner in a business deal?  And if that is the case, who defines these limits?  What constitutes cheating, for example?  So many questions pop up when the natural rights view is taken seriously?

With a federalist approach, the emphasis changes.  There are questions with this approach, but of a different kind.  There is no question as to whether obligations exist or not.  They do and they are extensive and potentially subject to legal backing.  The main question becomes how do you justify obligations as in asking:  who are you to tell me I owe society so and so?  Charles Taylor[1] provides some thoughts on this type of questions.

I will keep this to the basic notion that obligation stems from what the individual derives from being a member of a free society.  First, if one does not live in a free society, then one is hard-pressed to see any obligations to the society, at least to the government of that society.  But, second, if one does live in a free society, then certain considerations should be taken into account.  Freedom is not a natural state of being.  If it were, human history would not have had to elapse such a long time before liberal nations would have evolved.  And “evolution” is probably not the proper term given the amount of turmoil associated with the institutionalization of those structures and processes that establish and maintain our freedoms.  As the saying goes, freedom isn’t free.  We, who are born to such an arrangement, are “blessed” as a result of our forebears who sacrificed so much to establish our free society.  We, on the other hand, have an obligation under such a reality.  That is, we are obligated not only to preserve the freedom inducing institutions, but also to further refine them according to the principles that define our freedoms.  Under the federalist model, that takes the following form:  the establishment and maintenance of our freedoms were among the key reasons for creating and sustaining our union.  We benefit from that arrangement and we owe our part in maintaining it for the future generations.  We, in other words, have the freedom to do what we should do; that is, to have a federalist view of liberty.  And we not only have a right to express that obligation, but also a duty to do so.  How’s that for a freedom message on Bastille Day?[2]



[1] See Taylor C.  (1985).  Philosophy and the human sciences:  Philosophical papers, vol. 2.  Cambridge, England:  Cambridge University Press.  Specific text found on pp. 197-198.

[2] To be clear, the French Revolution did not establish a federalist arrangement.