A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, July 12, 2019

FINDING MANAGEABLE CHANGE FACTORS


Change, what an elusive event.  Yes, life is full of change, for example, one doesn’t wear the same style of clothing each day.  But significant change, change that reflects changes in values, attitudes, and/or beliefs happen very seldom.  Perhaps the reader can think of his/her own past and try to think of such a fundamental change.  This writer can probably number on one hand the times he has experienced such changes in his life.  He admits, among friends, that he did go through two changes in his basic outlook concerning values.
          One might ponder this general state of affairs when considering change over some relatively important institutional norm.  While this writer finds it difficult to admit, most Americans do not find civics education as that important.  But if one were to suggest a line of instruction that most Americans might deem were un-American, that might engage their interest.  The writer is reminded of how the fear of communism stirred in the 1950s and 1960s a popular change.
          He remembers how due to this fear, through the leadership of conservative politicians, but was easily supported among the electorate, the state of Florida instituted a new course of study.  That is, to earn a diploma, a Florida high school student had to pass an American-vs.-Communism course.  The thing is, teachers were forced – in most cases without objection – to teach the course but with little supervision.  Yes, at university, they had to take a special course to prepare them for this assignment, but seemingly that is where supervision of the effort ended.
This writer was one of those affected teachers and he taught the course from a more open-ended approach and steered it away from being a propaganda exercise.  The textbook he was assigned to teach the course was published by Time-Life and that publisher was noted for having, through their publications like Time magazine, a conservative bent.  But it still ascribed to general, objective journalistic standards and, in the opinion of this writer, the textbook was very informative and did not approach the subject in a propagandistic way. 
Using for the most part a discovery approach, this writer feels he provided a useful course of study.  In any event, he enjoyed teaching it, believes his students did not find it a waste of time, and hopefully they learned something about another system of governance with its faults and perhaps some advantages.  He did not sugar coat the more brutal aspects of that totalitarian system.
The point here is, given the goals of the conservative politicians, what was provided in the state’s classrooms was a far cry from those goals.  If anything, young Floridians were exposed to a curriculum choice far from any cartoonish take on the attributes of soviet governance which, given their rhetoric, was probably the goal.  Change is difficult.
In that, a current book sheds light on the change process.  Headed by Leslie R. Crutchfield, a team of researchers took it upon themselves to find what the elements of successful and unsuccessful national movements are – movements that called for meaningful change.[1]  This is a very important area of concern unless one thinks the nation has already achieved perfection.  Chances are the reader does not.
This posting will serve as merely an introduction to this study.  It identifies some overarching factors that affect change, mostly those that serve as the background context to change efforts and in which a change agent has little to no control.  That is, it asks:  what are the elements of a social/political/economic landscape in which a change effort is attempted?
Admittedly, the Crutchfield book does not spend much ink in addressing these contextual factors.  They are mentioned toward the beginning of the book and then the text goes on to highlight those factors that are subject to being manipulated.  But they – the contextual factors – are important and the right mix of them can doom a change effort no matter how well the other factors are addressed.
They are luck, misfortune, timing, and changing cultural attitudes.  Just to mention the strength of one of these, cultural attitudes, one can easily cite the above historical example.  That would be the effort of the conservative politicians that succeeded in getting the Americanism-vs.-Communism course added to the Florida state curriculum, but not much else.  They could not have foreseen what the growing effect of the Vietnam War would have on the psyche of Americans. 
As the legitimacy of that war became questioned – to ever increasing levels – the whole anticommunism bias, even in conservative Florida, could not continue to be unquestioned.  In short, if those in power were lying about Vietnam, what else are they lying about?  For those who had high hopes for the new course of study, they did not count on this type of fundamental questioning, especially among the young.
Nor could they have done much about it.  The political landscape was changed by exterior forces way beyond the control of Floridians – be they part of the power structure or not.  What occurred was a societal/political shift over a relatively short span of time.  Within ten years, the whole communism fear idea changed drastically.  But Vietnam is an extreme case, one that probably only happens once or twice within the course of lifetime.  What of other changes, ones that happen not as quickly perhaps but still within the memory of a lifetime?
These are the change examples the Crutchfield team studied.  She writes:
But we also recognized that significant societal shifts do not occur at random … [Like reduction in smoking, increase in gun ownership, acceptance of same-sex marriage] … These changes occurred because of the relentless advocacy of vast networks of individuals and organizations, campaigning in the face of seemingly insurmountable obstacles and often against entrenched, powerful opponents.  In spite of it all, they prevailed.[2]
It is these examples that future postings will address.  That is, not from the inter-personal dynamic perspectives, but from a stage where one can observe the more political interactions among the various players in such change efforts.  The research of the Crutchfield team offers telling stories from which political strategies can be derived – savvy strategies that have been successful and imprudent strategies that have proven not to work.


[1] Leslie R. Crutchfield, How Change Happens:  Why Some Social Movements Succeed While Others Don’t (Hoboken, NJ:  John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2018).

[2] Ibid., 4 (Kindle edition).

Tuesday, July 9, 2019

WHOM TO BELIEVE?


On more than one occasion, this blog has cited Lawrence Lessig.  He, in 2011, came out with a book that had a dire message.  That is that the nation’s republic is endangered.  But the feeling I am talking about today is different:  not that we, as a people, have lost anything of our potential, but that we, as a republic, have.”[1] 
          As most good writers do, he proceeds, in his book, to provide evidence for his major argument.  This posting picks up on this message.  The reader might reflect:  does Lessig, after these many years, still have a point?  What would indicate that he does?  After all, the nation is still functioning, its major institutions are still operating, and social life still progresses with a general air of cooperation. 
When this writer leaves the front door of his abode, he does not expect to meet chaos out there.  Yet, is there an accompany air of everything not being the way they should be?  And if so, isn’t that just part of living.  In the conscious decades he has lived – from the fifties to today – each set of years seems to have had its set of “doomsday” concerns. 
The complacency of the fifties, the rebelliousness of the sixties, the malaise of the seventies, the “Me-ness” of the eighties and nineties, the global challenges of the “ought” years (punctuated by the 9/11 attack), and now the set of unprecedented politics one observes emanating from the nation’s capital seem to be an unending movie.  But is there something more fundamental today that was pre-envisioned by Lessig at the beginning of the current decade?
What one hears today on the media is that the nation is having an attack on its basic institutions.  Perhaps, one should give Lessig more of a listen.  He begins by citing an institution that has been questioned all along, that of the markets.  It’s not so much that the markets themselves are corrupt, but what transpires within them is prudently questioned.  At the time of Lessig’s book, a question bandied about was:  are cell phones safe? 
Americans were subject to reports from industry studies that they were.  There were other independent studies that said they were not; that they emitted harmful, cancer inducing “rays.”  Well, with the advent of earplugs, that worry seems to have passed.  Yet, while the controversy progressed – and what probably encouraged the industry to develop a solution – average consumers were apt – or at least in sufficient numbers – to believe independent studies.
Why? Well, they, the independent studies, were likelier unaffected by the profit motive.  Afterall, the cell business by 2011 had grown to be a multi-billion-dollar concern.  People hesitant to use the product because of independent studies would have translated into significant loses.  In addition, industry studies were likely to be held with suspicion.  If money is at stake, people recognize that and are biased to believe those who have no or little skin in the game over those who do.
To place more context to this, one should consider Lessig’s words:
Across all three domains we tested, the mere suggestion of a link between financial incentives and a particular outcome significantly influenced the participants’ trust and confidence in the underlying actor or institution.  Doctors’ advice was judged to be less trustworthy if the procedure they recommended was tied to a financial incentive.  Politicians were judged to be less trustworthy if they supported a policy consistent with the agenda of contributing lobbyists.  Researchers for consumer products were judged less trustworthy if their work was funded by an agency that had a financial stake in the outcome.  And most surprisingly to us, these variations in the hypotheticals we presented also significantly influenced the participants’ judgments of their own doctors, politicians, and consumer goods.  Even the suggestion of one bad apple was enough to spoil the barrel.[2]
But, unfortunately, it is not that simple all the time.  What if one side has no profit angle – they can call it either way with little to no financial consequences – but they discover a relevant fact or issue that the general population does not want to hear or if they hear, do not want to believe?  Here, what Lessig says in his book, can take on a more relevant quality.  It can gather a relevancy not only for a tendency to undermine general trust levels among the population but to interfere with devising and implementing extremely important policies.
And if the issue under consideration, promises to have a one-way – i.e., unfixable – consequence(s), one can easily understand the importance of this development.  Presently, there are various issues vying for one’s attention; all of them important especially for those directly involved.  But there is one that affects every person not only here in the US but across the planet.  Of course, that is climate change.
Among the general population, there has been a reluctance to accept warnings related to climate change.  Was the earlier reporting by the media, that questioned the veracity of certain institutions, undermining current warnings or is it that a specific institution, the scientific community, is just issuing a message average Americans do not want to hear?  In this, a recent conversation with a relative comes to mind.
Are climate and/or weather developments indicating that there is a change in climate occurring and, if so, is it the product of human activities?  When this topic has come up before, this relative has questioned whether climate change is a real thing.  In a more recent conversation, his message is:  okay, it can be climate change, but any widespread fix – for example, abandoning gasoline powered automobiles – would result in enormous, negative consequences for millions of workers and destroy the economy. 
Perhaps, that’s progress toward accepting the dire messages the scientific community has been communicating concerning climate.  But it still does not take in the whole story.  One can, and this writer failed to do, point out that a shift to renewable energy sources means the creation of millions of jobs.  Net effect is unknown to this writer, but still this positive consequence can be communicated when the issue arises. But the issue here is:  why do Americans even question the legitimacy of the scientific community? 
Is it, as Lessig warned some years ago, there is an erosion of trust over the actions and statements of the nation’s institutions and that does reflect a dangerous development?  This writer believes that there is for civics teachers no greater issue than whether Americans are questioning their institutions; they should address this issue in their classrooms.  Of course, the first instructional aim would be to have students know, understand, and appreciate what institutions are and how they function in the maintenance of the republic.
A people establish institutions to rely on established ways to accomplish societal aims and those ways, in their manifestations, are associated with certain organizations or groupings.  Some of these are within government and some are not.  The two institutions under current attack are the press and the intelligence community.  There is also the above-mentioned target, the scientific community.  These are important institutions and they are protected by law, even constitutional law when it comes to the press. 
Yes, any human endeavor can be improved, but when one of these entities is labelled the “enemy of the people,” one should investigate not only the institution, but those who are issuing such a claim.  This blog avoids stating political messages, but this issue gets at the basic notion of citizenship and the ability to federate with the elements of the polity. 
Institutions, due to their central role in not only allowing a federalist political environment, but of maintaining any form of legitimate governance, need to be believed and deserve to be protected.  Civics classrooms should not avoid this undermining development that offends the basic elements of a viable republic.  Perhaps a way to refer to a healthy treatment of institutions is for Americans to see them with a critical, but sanctifying eye.


[1] Lawrence Lessig, (2011).  Republic Lost:  How Money Corrupts Congress – and a Plan to Stop It (New York, NY:  Twelve, 2011), 1.

[2] Ibid., 29.  Emphasis in the original.