A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, December 1, 2017

SOME INITIAL RANCOR OVER EDUCATION

Americans argue about a lot of things.  The rancor associated with those arguments have, of late, become more vehement or, better stated, more bifurcated.  That is, there has been a deep divide between those Americans who believe in conservative ideals and ideas and those who sign up for the liberal side of the debates.  It has taken on a more “my team” versus “their team” mode of thinking.
          Among the issues under contention is what to do with public schooling.  In the name of providing choice – in opposition to the current designation of where students go to school – different strategies have been proposed so that parents have choice over where their kids go.  While conservatives voice this choice rationale, liberals see it as various ways conservatives are attempting to either end public schooling in this country or highly restrict it.
          A bit of context:  Many countries have public schools, but in a great deal of them, the public schools are merely there to provide somewhere to put youngsters during the day.  The quality of education is often so bad that parents of any means readily send their students to private schools.  This, at times, means significant sacrifice on the part of parents to be able to pay the accompanying fees.
Since income and wealth in these countries are highly maldistributed – a few wealthy households with a majority of poor households – the vast number of students receive subpar education.  This, of course, is not only hurtful of those students, but to the overall welfare of those countries.  This is further intensified if one considers how the global economy has become ever more based on technology in the age of computers.
But back to the US.  This debate over public schooling has a long history.  Toni Marie Massaro[1] reports since the nation’s earliest days, education was considered a private affair.  It was to be a household effort, especially of the father’s.  Maybe, the local church had a role.  Overall, the effort was practical and sectarian.  This, as is readily detectable, changed, but the evolution from what existed then to what exists today is a telling story as to what some are hoping for the future.
As the nation was settling into to its now familiar form of governance, a movement got started for the common school.  That is, in the late 1700s, Americans turned to the possibility of a compulsory, publicly payed-for system.  There were two sources for this and both them disagreed with each other as to the purpose and process such a system should take.
Most Americans did not give this issue any thought.  Of those who did some fell into a highly sectarian view.  Ignorance, especially of religious beliefs, was seen as a benefit for Satan.  This view was mostly coming out of the Puritanical areas of the country, New England, especially Massachusetts.  The remedy to address this gift to Satan was a compulsory school system.  The aim, through a strong sectarian approach, was both to improve the fate of young people and of the overall community.
The other, pro-compulsory education argument can be traced to Thomas Jefferson.  His argument was a great less sectarian and more practical than that of Massachusetts.  He, who was well versed in the prior attempts at self-governing (especially from classical times), was convinced that republican government could not survive unless the populous was sufficiently educated.  This more secular reasoning found little support among his fellow leaders in Virginia.  Public schooling would have to wait quite a few decades before it would become real in that area of the country.
In addition, terms such as compulsory, common, and public – not to mention education itself – needed to be defined so as to allow for appropriate policy to be formulated and implemented.  That proved difficult as their general meanings were clear enough to threaten the interests of various factions in those early years. 
The most obvious was the interests of the wealthy who would pay for private education for their children regardless of whether there was a public system or not.  Why, they would ask, should they pay taxes to educate other people’s children?  On the surface, there were no reasons.  Initially, Jefferson’s argument was not convincing enough.
Less obvious was the resistance expressed by religious groups including the churches themselves.  They found any attempt to secularize education would be to secularize moral training.  This was considered to be anti-religion by many Americans.  As it turned out, up until the 1960s, resulting public school curriculum favored moral instruction and that instruction relied on a Protestant view of the subject. 
This was so much the case that the Roman Catholic Church initially objected to such instruction and later began their own education system – the parochial schools of the Catholic Church.  In full disclosure, this writer is a product, through high school, of that system (except for a few months at the end of his fourth-grade year).
Since the sixties, public education has mostly abandoned their efforts at moral training.[2]  This puts a crimp in the initial arguments for public schools.  This is true if one were to agree with the Massachusetts argument or the Jefferson argument.  This is what Massaro writes on this point:
Common schooling in common subjects and common values thus always has been a critical component of American progressivist dreams, but the ideal structure for the delivery of that education and the ideal content of these common lessons have always been contested.  Moreover, the disagreements have tended to reflect deep-seated political, religious, and philosophical conflicts among the various progressivist movements.[3]
This ongoing source for debate continues to the present day.  Future posting on this subject will pick up this history with the contributions of Horace Mann.



[1] Toni M. Massaro, Constitutional Literacy (Durham, NC:  Duke University Press 1993).

[2] James D. Hunter, The Death of Character:  Moral Education in an Age without Good and Evil (New York, NY:  Basic Books, 2000).

[3] Toni M. Massaro, Constitutional Literacy, 8.

Tuesday, November 28, 2017

WHAT POWER?

In a previous posting (“Initial Power Factors, posted July 12, 2016), this writer reviewed the work of several scholars who have written and theorized about social power, especially political power.  The iconic – among political scientists – writer who provides a definition for power is Robert Dahl.  His definition is:  power is a condition in which one party, person or collective, convinces some other party or parties to do something they would not do otherwise.[1]  This is the definition used in this blog.
          To further enrich this definition, the writer also utilized a review of John French and Bertram Raven’s “bases of power.”[2]  These writers identify five bases of power:  coercive, reward, legitimate, expert, and referent power.  In this posting, the aim is to pick up on the ideas of Joseph S. Nye.[3]  He opines on these concerns and gives one a good understanding of what is currently the notion of types of power.  That would be the difference between hard and soft power.
          Before making the distinctions involved, one general idea should be made.  Yes, one can get others to do what they would not do otherwise by either using or threatening a punishment or a string of punishments.  That’s coercive power.  But coercive power has some costs.  One, punishments or the threat of punishments spur the subject of such treatment to resent the punisher or the aims of the punisher. 
This, in turn, might motivate the subject to seek revenge at the time of the interaction or some future time – perhaps when the right opportunity presents itself.  So, the punisher is wise to police the implementation of coercive power.  This is an expense and can siphon needed resources that would otherwise be used in pursuing the initial aims.
Two, even if the subject does not seek revenge, one can readily envision that the subject will not wholeheartedly attempt to do a good job at accomplishing the aims.  Again, policing or reviewing the “work” will be challenging since a lot of less than optimal effort will likely be exerted.  And, at times, perhaps both lack of effort and revenge can be at play at the same time.
A movie scene, admittedly in an extreme situation, depicts these problems.  That is in the film, Schindler’s List.[4]  The Jews in a concentration camp, subjected to untold punishments, organized, under the leadership of Oskar Schindler, successfully sabotaged the work they were assigned.  That was to build shell casings and, through various ruses, were able to produce only unusable casings.
So, given these potential consequences, other forms of power have been thought of and used.  This includes issuing of rewards, exerting an expert advice, convincing the subject of the rightness of what being asked, or providing an appealing association for the subject.  In any of these alternatives (and at times these can be done in combination), the subject wants to do what the instigator wants the subject to do, but usually for external reasons.
And, upon reflection, what says that the subject must know what is being done to get him/her to do something.  Yesterday, on NPR,[5] a rebroadcast of an interview of architect, Mel McNally, was given.  McNally is an expert on what makes Irish pubs popular.  In part, the plans of his company’s designs for new pubs is telling of how power can be exerted without the subject(s) being aware of what is happening. 
The designs purposely encourage customers to act in certain ways.  They become highly communal while they imbibe in spirits – it turns the pub into a fun place.  This has been such a successful approach; his company has or have had contracted projects all over the world.  McNally challenged the interviewer to come up with a country his company had not been active.  The interviewer couldn’t come up with such a place. 
This form of power reveals that power has various “faces.”  Ney identifies three faces:
First Face:  A uses threats or rewards to change B’s behavior against B’s initial preferences and strategies.  B knows this and feels the effect of A’s power.
Second Face:  A controls the agenda of actions in a way that limits B’s choices of strategy.  B may or may not know this and be aware of A’s power.
Third Face:  A helps to create and shape B’s basic beliefs, perceptions, and preferences.  B is unlikely to be aware of this or to realize the effect of A’s power.[6]
The thing is:  even if the subject is not being punished, but instead is receiving a reward, being exhorted to do the right thing, being given expert advice, or even being associated with a perceived positive person, group, or thing, if a subject knows the strategy, the subject might resent the manipulation or otherwise not have his/her heart in the effort.
          So, can one get unsuspected subjects?  Is that an admirable choice or option?  Depends.  One can be sure patrons of an Irish pub who just experienced a delightful evening, couldn’t care less.  As a matter of fact, if this subject was told of this planning, he/she might feel admiration for the power holder. 
But what if the manipulation had to do with how a subject’s child is treated?  Even if the outcome is good – but especially if it is not good – upon hearing of the “under-handedness,” might it not be considered offensive?  As one goes from First Face to Second Face and then Third Face, a subject is less of a proactive subject – he/she becomes more of a manipulated subject.  In political realities, this progression becomes less democratic and, as it becomes more pervasive, enables (in some ways causes) a society to veer away from a republic form of polity.
On the other side of this progression, the instigator, the power dealer, is engaging in more sophisticated modes of power exertion.  There are more factors to consider; more variables that can stray from planned ways.  One can see the use of computers and their capacities in calculating massive amounts of data being utilized.
Lastly for this posting, one can detect two operating stages.  One is what one wants to accomplish or possess – Nye calls this possession goals – and, two, setting the stage for a power play – milieu goals.  To this writer, this distinction suggests an order:  first, accomplish milieu goals and, second, accomplish possession goals.  Of course, any such effort will call for formative evaluation to see where the process is taking the instigator(s) and the subject(s).  Such evaluations can alter the plan or the progression as the plan is being implemented.
There is more to say about this topic.  It will be revisited.



[1] Robert Dahl, Who Governs:  Democracy and Power in an American City (New Haven, CT:  Yale University Press, 1961).

[2] John R. P. French, Jr. and Bertram Raven, “The Bases of Power,” in Current Perspectives in Social Psychology, ed. Edwin P. Hollander and Raymond G. Hunt (New York, NY:  Oxford University Press, 1967), 504-512.

[3] Joseph S. Nye, Jr.,  The Future of Power (New York, NY:  PublicAffairs).

[4] Steven Spielberg (director), Schindler’s List (Universal Pictures, 1993).

[5] See Ailsa Chang and Robert Smith, “The Mastermind behind the International Irish Pub,”  All Things Considered, accessed November 27, 2017, https://www.npr.org/2017/04/07/523044318/the-mastermind-behind-the-international-irish-pub .

[6] Joseph S. Nye, Jr.,  The Future of Power, 14.