A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Monday, May 26, 2014

TRUE VALUING

I am in the midst of presenting in this blog a set of postings that addresses the question: what does it mean to say a person should have the right to do what one should do? In terms of federalist thought, this question is important because it reflects how that view of governance and politics views liberty, at least as an ideal. Such a view of liberty places, for educators, guided by a federalist perspective, squarely in what is known as values education. That is, by emphasizing what one should do, as opposed to what one wants to do, this view of liberty brings to the fore an analysis of values and valuing. In that light, I have over the past two postings presented three assertion statements that model the possible ways a person can express a value. They are:
  • P likes X, because X leads to state Y;
  • P likes X, because X is entailed in Z; or
  • P likes X, because he/she simply likes X
In the last posting, I reviewed the second of these assertion types. I want to now focus on the first assertion type.

The more utilitarian assertion type points to those value statements in which a person seeks or favors an object or action that leads to some other desired object or action. For example, I like writing this blog because by doing so, among other reasons, it stirs in me my love of teaching; it reminds me of my days in the classroom. That doesn't make you my students; I wouldn't impose that role on you, but the very act of explaining something is enjoyable to me. Therefore, the blog is a vehicle to some state of mind or emotion. I believe that an instructional model in values education that is amenable to this type of assertion is the model offered by Louis E. Raths and his collaborators.1

Raths' model for clarifying values does not offer questions that teachers might ask of students so that they might inquire into what it is they should value – it presumes that students have already formed values or dispositions favorable to some object or action – nor as a way to solicit the students' interests in the topic of specific value issues. The emphasis, instead, is to have students consider certain ways in which they think and feel about the likes they have. That is, they learn to form true values that they can accept for themselves and that they, in turn, are happy with their related choices.

As such, Raths' approach can theoretically include the first value assertion type outlined above. By categorizing it under the first type, I am not claiming that it dismisses value assertions that are derived from philosophic, ideological, or religious beliefs. A value assertion can seek to reflect those types of concerns, but the distinction is that the value in question does not need to be entailed in one of those conceptual systems. Raths' approach allows for value choices that lead to satisfying the demands of a conceptual system instead of being, of necessity, entailed to some aspect of a conceptual system. Here is an example: if I behave in a loving way toward my neighbor, my motivation can be entailed in my religious beliefs, let us say Christian beliefs. But what if my true motivation is that I want the people I know to think of me as a Christian? This latter motivation reflects a means to an end; that is, how I am perceived. As such, the value choice, acting in a loving way, is not entailed in an overarching value, Christianity, but in a way to seek a valued goal or objective, a Christian reputation. In this way, Raths' approach is more open-ended and does not necessarily lead a person to a predetermined value orientation. In turn, as I hinted above, the approach can be more utilitarian and relativistic. Again, Raths' approach does not preclude value assertions based on an overarching value system, but it does not depend on such a commitment.

Part of the appeal of this approach to values clarification is that it can in no way be considered a method by which to indoctrinate students to a set of beliefs. His written account of his approach voices the concern that so many institutions in our society are geared toward indoctrinating others. When one reviews a lot of the communication that occurs around us, we can detect some form of “selling” something to customers, clients, patients, or, I'm afraid, students. This is not necessarily a nefarious practice – the attempt to indoctrinate might be motivated by altruistic motives. The problem is that by being influenced in this way by others, we have become more prone to avoid developing a true sense of self or a sense of commitment to self-defined principles or goals. By taking a more generic view of values, a teacher who applies Raths' model is implementing a strategy aimed at getting students to learn how to form his/her own values. How does his model do this?

First, Raths defines a value as the product of a process. In turn, that process consists of the following steps: (1) choosing freely without any form of coercion; (2) choosing from alternatives; (3) understanding available alternatives by identifying and evaluating the consequences of each; (4) cherishing and prizing the choice one makes; (5) affirming the choice; (6) acting upon the choice; and (7) repeating the action when confronted with similar situations. Taken seriously, such a process places a stringent standard on what can be considered a value. When a person goes through such a process honestly, then we can say that person has a value – or stated more descriptively, he/she has formed a value. This is more meaningful than to merely state that P likes X.

Raths views a person's ability and willingness to value in this way as an element of psychological health. Short of this, a person lacks values about those things in which he/she is concerned. So while Raths does not have much to say as to what those values should be – the “Z” factor brought out in my last posting – he does have a challenging approach about what it takes to form a value, even if that value is something most of us see as unworthy of the designation.

In terms of my concerns with liberty, this model gives us insight into what a person needs to do, both psychologically and behaviorally, in order to decide what “one should do.” To speak of some “should” without consideration of the value(s) involved is meaningless. I believe the value of Raths' approach is to give us a language by which to judge whether students are truly valuing the positions they claim on any issue. The approach can be used in developing value questions. For example, students can judge how much a politician values, a la Raths, those things he/she says he/she values. Is the politician willing to act in accordance with some proclaimed value? How about in terms of the politician's consistency in times when the choice is favorable to the politician and in those times when it is not? With this type of analysis, students can study an array of politicians and perhaps begin to make generalizations about what motivates them or, at least, motivates most of them.

So, while Raths' model does not exclusively relate to the first type of value assertions, it does accommodate them. As such, for more pragmatic discussions over value choices, this approach to values clarification can be of great utility. What remains in my treatment of values discussion in the classroom is some theoretical attempt at melding together the treatment of overarching values, as provided by the Oliver-Shaver model, and the intensity of valuing, as provided by the Raths' model. My next posting will address this topic.

1Raths, L. E., Harmin, M., and Simon, S. B. (1966). Values and teaching. Columbus, OH: Charles E. Merrill Publishing Co.

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