A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Tuesday, November 10, 2015

DEMANDS AND/OR SUPPORTS IN DIFFERENT FORMATS

I am in the midst of describing a “simple” model of political decision-making on the part of individuals.  I write political because I am trying to address what happens when a change effort is being conducted in an organization of some type, but more specifically a school.  In those situations, what usually happens is that someone comes up with an idea and, in order to implement it, other people need to either be convinced or coerced into performing some changed protocol or process other than what they had been doing.  Generally, people do not like change.  Change can represent different sorts of threats.  It might mean having to display different skills a person might or might not have or to perform a skill to a higher degree of difficulty.  This might expose people to deficiencies that to date were inconsequential or that could be hidden.  Or a new challenge might arise if the change calls for new working arrangements with others, perhaps with people a person hardly knows or worse, might dislike.  Of course, change might entail a demotion or having to do things the person just doesn’t like to do.  All of these and other things can be the source of a negative reaction to change and when these kinds of changes occur at the workplace, the looming importance of a paycheck is never far from a person’s consciousness.  Fear can be a motivator, but it is much more often a negative force which at the least disrupts a person’s quality of life and at the most can be the motivator to engage in very destructive behavior.  Given the potential stakes, I would comfortably regard such events or confrontations as political.  These are power exerting or power receiving episodes and as such are political.

When one acts politically, there are just two modes of behavior, but with variations in how the modes are exercised.  The two modes are derived from David Easton’s political systems model.[1] They are demands and supports.  At a school or any organization, a person can react politically by either demanding something; for example, let’s not do this, or supporting someone or something; for example, I’m behind you one hundred percent.  Of course, to varying degrees, a person can choose both modes:  I like it but, in regard to that aspect, can we do this instead?  Why a person chooses to demand and/or support a change proposal or some aspect of a change proposal can be found in either the contextual inheritance, mental domains, and/or emotional state a person is in.  How these factors influence a decision were the topics of my last two postings.  While this seems easy enough – either/or he or she demands or supports a proposal – that choice becomes apparent in a combination of the following options:  behave individually to advance immediate self-interest, behave collectively to advance immediate self-interest, behave individually to advance long term self-interest, and/or behave collectively to advance long term self-interest.  Usually, a person will choose one of these options and stick with it.  Sometimes not.  He or she might try one option, see how it works, and decide to try another one.  Of course, changing course can continue, but as changes of this type happen, the situation for the person will become more and more complicated.  The tendency is to stick to one option.  Here, the importance of the real domain and emotional disposition is very important.  When confronted with real world dilemmas or exertions of power, especially when a coercive element is added, the ideals one brings to the episode can be sorely tested and sacrificed.  Of course, this leads to rationalizations and other coping mechanisms by which an individual deals with resulting, internal inconsistencies.[2]

As can be detected, my view accepts the behavioral notion that one always acts out of a concern for self-interest.  The question is whether one can see beyond the immediate anticipated rewards or punishments and see how one will be affected by a decision over the long haul.  This distinction was put into sharp focus by Alexi de Tocqueville’s famous phrase:  “self-interest rightly understood.”  I have written about this notion often in this blog, but let me add:  in terms of organizational change and the politics involved, the person needs to analyze situations carefully to try to determine, one, what self-interests are affected by a proposed change, and two, which of those interests reflects short term effects and which ones are long lasting.  I say “needs” in the sense that a person wants to derive the most benefits in terms of quantity and quality.  These can be difficult to ascertain because change often entails unknowable consequences in terms of the change itself and the social and physical factors the change can effect.  But one can ask oneself:  am I acting or going to act in a certain way because of how I feel right now or because, in the long run, how I will feel overall?  Ultimately, it will be sentiments that determine how prudent a course of action is or will be.  That is, given the situation, will one’s actions lead to the highest level of happiness possible?

With a course of action decided, what remains that can still be influential in how that action is received by others – and, therefore, determining what levels of success affected parties achieve – is the tenor in which the chosen action is communicated.  That will be what the next posting addresses.



[1] Two sources for this model are:  Easton, D.  (1953).  The political system.  New York, NY:  Alfred A. Knopf and Easton, D.  (1965).  A system analysis of political life.  New York, NY:  John Wiley and Sons, Inc.

[2] I will treat this eventuality more extensively in a future posting.  This whole problem relates to a condition referred to as internal inconsistency when there is an inconsistent gap between a person’s espoused theory and theory-in-use.  See Argyris, C. and Schon, D. A. (1985). Evaluating theories in action. In W. G. Bennis, K. D. Benne, and R. Chin (Eds.), The planning of change, Fourth edition, (pp. 108-117). New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.

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