A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Tuesday, February 9, 2016

WHAT IS BERNIE ABOUT?

It’s Bernie’s turn.  I have, in the last series of postings, taken the occasion of Bernie Sanders’ candidacy for president to revisit a topic this blog addressed some time ago.  Since the candidate professes to be a socialist – a democratic socialist – I thought it was timely to review our history of how we have viewed equality.  Why?  Because socialism is an expression of one of those views and I think it is helpful to place its beliefs alongside the other orientations we as Americans have held in relation to this value.  To date, I have re-described and explained four of these orientations in the order in which they range from the most elitist view to the most egalitarian view.  The first four are genetic elitism, earned elitism, equal condition, and regulated condition.  The fifth orientation is the one Sanders ascribes to and is called equal results.

In order to give you an overall sense of what this orientation believes, let me offer the following definition:  a general belief orientation in which the individual might hold some superior human assets, but that condition, in terms of compensation, mostly entitles the person to limited, higher status.  All monetary compensation should be based on labor value determinations which in practice equates labor efforts with equal monetary compensations.  Also, accumulation of monetary assets is highly restricted to avoid anyone from attaining unequal advantages either financially or politically.  Ideally, distributions of responsibilities are to be based on merit, which includes faithfulness to the equal condition doctrine.  Of course, this is in its purest form.  All policies that would be needed to apply this definition in its entirety would have to be legislated in a democratic socialist system – which is what Sanders professes.  In addition, it is still unclear how “pure” Sanders is.  Even with a long political career, his exact stand on many issues lacks specificity.  The campaign will surely dot some of the “i”s and cross some of the “t”s.  But let me flesh out some of the ideas composing this orientation.

In the last posting, I presented the basic ideas proposed by the late philosopher, John Rawls.  His two main relevant ideas regarding equality are (1) the notion that justice is the product of a people/group establishing the basic rules of their arrangement when no one knows beforehand what his/her status will be once the arrangement is formulated and (2) that once one analyzes the reasons for anyone’s success, one can only attribute limited attribution to a person’s effort for said success.  Both of these factors lead one to limit any compensation one is apt to receive relative to market determinations.  Last, Rawls argues for assistance for those not so privileged under the consideration that life can and does visit misfortune on potentially anyone – “there but for the grace of God go I.”[1]  If we take the ideas of John Rawls and like-minded thinkers to a heightened degree, we still approximate the fifth orientation, equal results.

Advocates of equal results hold that since people have little control over the abilities they enjoy, they should not be entitled to any financial benefits beyond those that others are able to secure.  In terms of our economic system, not only are those with rare gifts in high demand skill areas compensated way above what they deserve, they can accumulate such financial benefits – accumulate capital assets, that is – and use them to further their advantage to the detriment of those not so advantaged.[2]  This is, in the equal results advocates view, immoral because it is basically unfair.

The beliefs of the equal results orientation are:
1.     A person’s abilities are primarily developed from social conditions over which the person has little to no control.  Therefore, a person who is able to secure a very high income is taking advantage of benefits he or she had little to do with in acquiring them.
2.     A person’s rewards for work should not reflect the randomness in the distribution of skills with which some might be blessed and should, therefore, in order to be fair, be pretty much the same as that of others.
3.     The height of unfairness in capitalist economic arrangements is that some can earn in a few days what takes others to save in a lifetime.
4.     We pay very little attention to a person’s merit, as a person, in determining what rewards he or she is able to acquire.  Instead, we focus on marketable skills or other arbitrary assets that a person has.
5.      All people’s labors are fundamentally equal and the pay received should not vary much.  The only difference among their labors is simply that they are different.  Highly paid workers or business owners are not the only providers of hard work.  Laborers also work very hard.  Therefore, labor should be more or less seen in terms of equal value.  An example: the movie star who performs in front of a camera should not make so much more than the cameraman or woman who works behind the camera. Both are equally responsible for the product produced.

You might think these beliefs are highly un-American.  Well, not so fast.  There have been prominent Americans who have espoused such views or views that are similar.  Eugene V. Debs comes to mind; he was a prominent labor leader and presidential candidate in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century.  Don't get me wrong; his views were never that popular, yet he did represent a tradition of thought that harkens back to political thinkers of the past from the more obscure John Ruskin to, at least to some degree, Henry David Thoreau.

Of course, there are Marxian-socialist ideals contained within these beliefs, but they also can be found in the works of Leo Tolstoy and Mahatma Gandhi.  In America, such beliefs seem to have gotten more traction during times of extreme exploitation of laborers, such as during the industrial revolution of the late 1800s, or during harsh economic times in the Great Depression.  More recently, as I am indicating in this series of postings, Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign has attracted many followers. Reported disparities currently characterizing our income and wealth distributions might have something to do with Sanders’ popularity.  The results of today’s primary election in New Hampshire will indicate how popular the Vermont senator is among the Granite State’s Democrats. 

All socialists, at least to some degree, espouse Marxian principles.  For a dramatization of such advocacy, see the film, Reds, starring Warren Beatty, who was also the film's producer and director.  Many adherents to these beliefs have derived them from religious teachings as in the case of Tolstoy and his view of Christianity.  Others, like Marx himself, view such beliefs in a more “scientific” fashion, claiming that economic realities will evolve or erupt into a system where such beliefs will take actual form in resulting social and economic relations and institutions.

Let me focus a bit on Karl Marx, considered the father of socialism.  Influenced by the philosopher Hobbes, Karl Marx saw the eventuality of a socialist state – one in which productive property would be owned in common – as inevitable.  In his view, the development of society is simply the product of deterministic laws in which people, following their nature of being hedonistic egoists - a la Hobbes – are just pursuing their selfish interests.  This pits people in antagonistic relationships, according to the economic classes in which they find themselves.  In the case of socialism, this inevitable system will take hold as a result of the conflict among the business class, the bourgeois, and the laborers, the proletariat.  The proletariat will prevail according to Marx – a “scientific” eventuality.

In terms of policy, such a takeover, if past socialist programs are an indication, will call for a stronger to a much stronger presence of government in the operations of our economy.  For example, Sanders is calling for free college tuition and a single payer system of healthcare.  The single payer will be government and that calls for higher taxes.  If his other goals follow the socialist lead, we can anticipate his presidency to seek other programs where government involvement will call for even higher taxes.  He often cites the fact that other advanced countries provide for certain public services.  He often reminds us that we are the only advanced country that does not provide universal healthcare.  If you compare tax rates between those countries and ours, ours are a lot lower.  According to Tax Policy Center, in 2008, tax rates of many European countries are 40 percent of GDP, while the US is 7 percent of GDP.[3]

In a capitalist nation, equal compensation would be approached, more than likely, through taxation instead of mandating equalized pay schedules.  Someone’s gross pay might be quite a bit higher than someone else’s, but after taxes the effective pay rate will be more equal.  In so doing, we would approach, if not reach, the Marxian principle:  “From each according to his [her] ability, to each according to his [her] needs.”  For those who live by this dictum, he or she is worthy of higher status among his/her comrades.  Whether or not this represents Bernie Sanders’ thinking, I’m sure the upcoming campaign will give us a clearer understanding of how Marxian Sanders is.



[1] Of course, you are welcome to visit the last posting to read a lengthier description of Rawl’s ideas.

[2] In a recent book, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, French economist, Thomas Piketty, argues that due to the accumulation of capital, there has developed an entrenched class that is benefiting from the income based on that capital.  See Piketty, T.  (2014).  Capital in the Twenty-First Century.  Cambridge, MA:  Harvard University Press.

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