A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Tuesday, November 1, 2016

LEADERS HERE, THERE, AND EVERYWHERE

Over the last few postings, this writer has commented on the bifurcated view concerning leadership.  He has suggested that a bifurcated view is probably misplaced in that one does not necessarily have to see leadership with a “lone warrior” view or an inclusive view.
The first sees the almost romantic notion of a leader as an individual who takes the “bull by the horns” and rights what’s wrong with an organization.  The inclusive type seeks input and collaboration from as many people within and even without the organization as possible in making and implementing decisions.
          He has tried to point out that an organization probably will need one type in some situations and the other in other situations, and that some conditions demand immediate reaction and sole leadership is usually quicker and can be more decisive.
But he also made the argument that the more inclusive model should be the fallback option and be compromised only in extreme conditions.  The payoffs for inclusion are significant and should be abandoned only out of necessity.  Perhaps such a condition might be one in which negative consequences cannot be undone.
          This posting is concerned more with follow-ship than leadership.  Whatever mode the leader exerts, he/she is dependent on those who follow to act in those ways the mode demands.  That is true irrespective of any reward or punishment policy the organization has in place.
Overall, the lone warrior, at best, sees underlings as agents who can work out the details of any plan but generally are there to follow orders.  The inclusive model sees collaborators as taking on responsibilities and being able and willing to be creative in contributing ideas.
          What follows, more specifically, is concerned with what motivates this second expectation.  Why should a member of the “team” want to add “extra” effort to problem-solving when the easier route is to just listen to what is wanted and do it as best as one can (or as well as avoidance of punishment demands)?
To view this latter perspective, a contextual device might be helpful.  Not looking at an organization, but at a community or the nation:  why should the average citizen want to participate in the collective efforts of that more general social setting?
          A political scientist, in the natural rights mode of thinking, Paul Burstein,[1] points out that it is irrational for an individual citizen to become involved in participating in the political struggles of the day.  Why should the individual become involved when he/she will share in the benefits with all other citizens irrespective of his/her involvement?
It is what students of this sort of thing call the “free rider” problem; that is, those who do not share in any burden (costs) in acquiring the benefit will enjoy the benefit just as much.  Therefore, the analysis is a cost-benefit calculation.  But obviously, people do get involved and so the question remains:  what calculations do those people make to convince them to participate?
Burstein offers four reasons.  One, the cost in getting involved over some policy question is inconsequential and, it could be an added, a small expense to something the person must do anyway.  Sometimes such eventualities are built into an operating budget –perhaps a miscellaneous cost.  It could even be that the person doesn’t pay or accrue an added cost but instead, gets paid as in writing a solicited article for a magazine or newspaper.
          Two, the intended advocacy promises, with high probability, that it will be successful.  This might give the advocate recognition for supporting a sought after result or perhaps the desired outcome has significant payoffs which are especially dear to the advocate.
Three, the population of beneficiaries is small, as in an organization, and visibility regarding action or inaction is high.  This adds to the costs of inaction in a very personal way; others will see the non-participant as shirking his/her responsibility.
And four, participation, in and of itself, provides for an advocate some emotional satisfaction.  The belief expressed in much of this blog is that civics education can and should promote those messages that speak to the “rightness” of participating in the political process.  If such an educational effort is successful, participation would engender the emotional rewards that would convince citizens to get involved.   
          If one then scales down these overall motivating forces to the level of an organization such as a business, certain very tangible forces operate.  This is particularly true for motivators three and four.  In the social confines of an organization, one can readily see and understand how that organization’s culture can develop to foster these reasons.
The inclusive leader does not wait for a specific problem situation to promote such forces, but makes it part and parcel of his/her everyday strategy.  That leader might institute processes that reward, on an ongoing basis, collaborative modes of behaviors on the part of followers.  That is, followers who exert leadership behaviors can be recognized and “patted on the back” for exhibiting efforts in this direction. 
Structures can be put in place that facilitate such acts.  Communication can issue the message that loyalty to the organization can be demonstrated by such behaviors.  The different ways of getting this idea out there can rely on very creative ways of saying, “we’re that sort of place.”  In the next posting, more specific ideas will further develop this general message.



[1] Paul Bustein, American Public Opinion, Advocacy, and Policy in Congress:  What the Public Wants and What It Gets, (New York, NY:  Cambridge University Press, 2014).

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