A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Friday, May 19, 2017

BRIMSTONE VS. GENTILITY

This blog has made the argument that a federalist view, more than any other, was the dominant view of governance and politics.  What does that mean?  With this posting, the blog will sort out this claim.  What it does not mean, as the use of the term, dominant, indicates, is that it was not the only view among early Americans.
Hopefully, after reading this and subsequent postings, the reader can attain a rounded understanding of the early thinking of colonists and of the citizenry of the new American republic.  This writer relies on a number of scholars to stitch together a description of these foundational thoughts, developments, and policy decisions; among them is philosopher George Santayana, political scientist Daniel J. Elazar, and political theorist/philosopher Michael J. Sandel.
In 1911, George Santayana, famous for the quote, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it,” published an address, “The Genteel Tradition in American Philosophy.”[1] To begin, Santayana points out that since the earliest days of the nation, there has been a two-sided Christian view which has molded a lot of our social and political thought:  a fire-and-brimstone Calvinist view and a gentler message known as social transcendentalism.
The Calvinist view bolstered a concern for the ravages of sin and expressed itself as an “agonized conscience.” The gentler side promoted an imported, social philosophy.  Social transcendentalism, which developed more formally in Europe during the eighteenth century, augmented a more self-enhancing message.  A review of both allows one an insight into an early American tension that played out within most Americans and among them in local community settings.
Calvinism pushed Americans to be disciplined and promoted a moral standing to hard work which resulted in a discipline necessary to tame a frontier environment. The harsh conditions and its dangers were met by a people armed with a view of life and morality suited to meet the challenges. So successful was this mental and emotional framework that it became victimized by the success it allowed these settlers to achieve.
And while many of the Calvinist mentality has mellowed or diminished, Americans are still seen as a hard-working people.  As the demands of the frontier environment subsided, Americans, with a prosperous economy and material security, began to have available the finer things of life.
They found it difficult to maintain the stricter way of living, at least to the levels they endured earlier. Oh, there were attempts to refuel it with movements such as the Great Awakening in the 1730s – Calvinism did not disappear – but it lost its more stringent character by the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century.[2]
An influential aspect of the Calvinist past was the development of congregations. From America’s earliest settlements, this form of social arrangement, the congregational model, characterized how Americans organized themselves.  And with this bias, the nation’s view of federalism was initially formed.
Key to this was organizing agreements among settlers through the utilization of covenants, sets of communal commitments by the settlers which established the basic social and political arrangements of the group. These instruments were formalized as written agreement(s) in the form of a charter or a constitution. To solidify this important promise to each other, the settlers called on God to witness the agreement.[3]  This aspect is developed further in future postings.
Due to diminishing harshness, transcendentalism became prominent. Leading this movement in the nineteenth century, Ralph Waldo Emerson helped define transcendentalism for Americans by activating a Kantian tradition called “systemic subjectivism.”  This was a more individualist turn, especially as compared with Calvinist thought.
Emerson strongly promoted a self-initiative bias which was highly valued in a mostly frontier nation. The quality was easily integrated into a romanticized version of Yankee lore and was instrumental in adopting Lockean ideas (which has been explained in previous postings).  But it should be remembered that Emerson’s influence does not make itself known until the mid-1800s and significantly after the Calvinist influence had been well-established.
Two characteristics were emphasized in this transcendental vision: emphasis on present needs and the importance of the will over the intellect – action over thinking.  And so, the major challenging view to a communal bias was introduced in a social and somewhat economic sense.
As opposed to the earlier Calvinist focus on evil, transcendental thought seemed to have a blind eye for it and rhapsodized an up-beat disposition and optimism. To Emerson, these dispositions translated themselves into confidence or trust in oneself, in one's ability.
Along with confidence came a positive self-definition and a faith in intuition: “the perspective of knowledge as they radiate from the self.”[4]  But this view of Emerson is getting a bit ahead of the story, but serves as backdrop for what will transpire around the years of the early republic.  After the foundational generation gave the nation its constitution (along with the Declaration of Independence), there began an increasing, over time, acceptance of individualism.
Summarily, an imbalance seemed to emerge and the challenging perspective became noteworthy; this less humble view stood in counter distinction to Calvinism.  Among the turmoil associated with an emerging nation, two competing social perspectives took root:  one, a lure for the marketplace, and two, a commonweal view, a much more communal orientation.  Each of these views would compete among the people and even within a person’s perceptions.
The marketplace view defines citizens according to their role in the bargaining processes of the market. In this view, each person seeks his or her own self-interest. On the other hand, in the commonweal view, citizens are having, among themselves, undivided interests. This tension took on different styles among the various regions of the nation and, according to Elazar, led to the evolution of three distinct political subcultures in America.[5]
Here, it is necessary to explain that this overall cultural diversity is presented in relative terms.  Each of the regions did and does exhibit the various listed cultural traits and beliefs to stronger or lesser degrees than what had been found in the other regions.  For example, the anti-communal traits exhibited in the mid-Atlantic colonies and then states are by degree stronger in that region.  But one can still detect an overall political culture characterizing the whole American nation.
In sharing a short description of each, to be provided in the next posting, of the three sub-cultures, the effort will begin with a review of the first of these which was introduced with the Pilgrims and Puritans in the New England colonies.  They were influential beyond their numbers in that their biased view of government and politics became the dominant view.  That view remained dominant till World War II.
In the next posting, this blog will compare the lists of beliefs that the subsequent subcultures developed in the different regions of the nation.  Specifically, it will compare the moralistic beliefs that are derived from the Calvinist tradition and the individualistic beliefs that are derived from the transcendental tradition.  There is another tradition, but that is limited to the southeast states of the old Confederacy.  What has resulted is an intriguing story – stay tuned.



[1] George Santayana, “The Genteel Tradition in American Philosophy,” in The Annals of America, vol. 13, (Chicago, IL: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1968/1911) eds. Charles Van Doren and Mortimer J. Adler, 277-288.
[2] Daniel N. Robinson, American Ideals:  Founding a “Republic of Virtue, [a transcript book], (Chantilly, VA:  The Teaching Company/The Great Courses, 2004).

[3] Daniel J. Elazar, “Federal Models of (Civil) Authority,” Journal of Church and State, 33, (Spring, 1991):  231-254.

[4] George Santayana, “The Genteel Tradition in American Philosophy,” 281.

[5] Daniel J. Elazar, American Federalism: A View from the States, (New York, NY: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1966).

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