A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Tuesday, September 7, 2021

AN UNFEELING PEOPLE?

 

The last posting ended this blog’s review of the Whig Party.  The purpose of that review was to gauge how true that party was to the ideals of a parochial/traditional federalist thought.  As this blog has pointed out, federalism calls on people to see the polity within which they live as a partnership. 

This reflects a legal/constitutional structure of governance – one made up of a people coming together to formulate and maintain their polity – and an emotional/reasoned commitment to promote the health and survival of it as an ultimate, espoused political value.  In this form of federalism, said commitment only includes those within a given racial/ethnic tradition and that, in America, being of Western European stock.

          The challenges the Whig Party faced limited its viability within the national political landscape to just over twenty years.  But within those years, through its inabilities, it offered Americans a set of practical lessons or guardrails that political entities need to respect if they are to sustain their position within their polity.  

For one thing, an American political party must realize that this polity exists within a national, general governing arena or zone and not as a compilation of a national level system alongside local or state level systems.  American federalism is not a dual leveled arrangement with the general government addressing national concerns and states taking care of local issues, but of a cooperative system.  Of course, each has its emphasis on what it addresses, but the areas of mutual concerns are many and continually arising.

          As such, its institutions, especially ones so central as political parties, must function nationally as well as locally.  Yet the Whigs prided themselves for honoring the localism of its members without taking into account national implications.  They allowed, without any disciplinary checks, all sorts of messaging and advocacies ranging the spectrum of political whims of that time. 

In striving to understand that proclivity, one is helped by noting an influential mindset affecting American political thought in the antebellum period.  As with the Enlightenment, that theorizing originated in Europe.  It preceded the start of the Whigs by twenty years but caught the imagination of many Americans through that party’s existence and, as with the Whigs, saw its influence wane in the 1850s. 

That theorizing was known as Romanticism.  Actually, in America there was a precursor to this line of thought and feeling during the colonial years.  That was the sentiment expressed during what is historically known as the First Awakening.  As with this later fascination, the First Awakening was a reaction to the influences of the Enlightenment, but especially in terms of religious thought. 

Nineteenth century Romanticism had a more pervasive effect on a broad range of interests from literature and art to politics.  But a review of the earlier version can give one the essence of what Romanticism was.  As will be further explained in the next posting, this newer view was a reaction to what was deemed as the Enlightenment’s over emphasis on reason.

Here, at this point, this blog diverts a bit from describing this newer movement and provide some context as to how Romanticism is historically portrayed.  Commentary seems to rely on an assumption, that being that the Constitution was the product of the Enlightenment.  It was a bit of political architecture that was based on reason – the mainstay of the Enlightenment – and that that engendered various consequences.  Yes, if one accepts that premise, one can see that as the 1800s moved on, this reasoned experiment seemed to be working, but it did solicit at least two negative judgements of some importance.

The first was directed at that other example of a “reasoned” political experiment, the French Revolution.  There, reasoned arguments led to an uprising of the masses that resulted in much tumult and violence with a hefty death rate.  Popularizing the image of the guillotine, it was difficult for anyone who valued a peaceful society to see much to admire as that Revolution evolved not to a truly democratic nation, but to the semi autocratic rule of Napoleon Bonaparte.  And beyond that initial world wind, it would lead to an Industrial Revolution in which …

 

Enlightenment’s greatest scientific achievements brought the natural world under mastery of humanity, but humanity then turned and converted that mastery into smoke-belching factories, cheap mass production of goods, and the swollen wealth of a new ruling class, the bourgeoisie.[1]

 

The other criticism aimed at the Enlightenment, as it was experienced in America, was that excessive reason rendered Americans to be a shallow people.  That all they seemed to be to European “observers” was that this newer country was comprised of a population lacking in a national identity.  All one had in this burgeoning nation was a people running around trying to maximize the amount of money they could accrue.  To this, this blogger objects.

As this blog has claimed – with a good deal of scholarly support – the American Revolution and the Constitution was the product of various cultural/political developments.  Among them was the Puritanical/covenantal tradition, the emotional movement of the First Awakening, English constitutional tradition (including ideas of separation of powers and a strong sense of localism), the relative autonomy that the British Crown extended to the colonies, along with the Enlightenment thinkers (e.g., Locke and Hobbes), and the common sense philosophers (e.g., Reid and Hutcheson). 

To claim Americans are solely the product of Enlightenment thinking is to shortchange all these other contributions of thinkers and historical events.  By so doing, one underestimates how complex a political or overall culture Americans had developed by the time they secured their independence and their constitutional arrangement.  But according to Guelzo, that image of a short-sighted people seems to be how Europeans tended to see their American cousins.

While this blogger does not agree, for the sake of contextualizing this newer source of influence, Romanticism, it helps to take that view of Americans at face value.  That would set up a model of sorts:  i.e., one begins with the beliefs of the Enlightenment which leads to a successful American Revolution which sets up an eventual constitutional formulation which landed up with a nation of self-centered, shallow materialistic people.  As an example of this judgement, Guelzo offers:

 

Thomas Jefferson was preeminently the American man of reason, but his political allegiance to an anti-mercantile agrarianism and the need he felt to justify slaveholding on the grounds of racial inferiority of slaves constantly pulled him in romantic directions, reason and enlightenment not withstanding.[2]

 

But to the extent that Americans saw themselves as being too over dependent on reason, to the exclusion of more emotional or intuitive thinking, Romanticism provided another approach to social, artistic, and political thinking. 

          As this blog approaches the effects of the Enlightenment on America, it will, starting in the next posting, review the history – ever so cursorily – of the development of Romanticism in Europe.  And then it will report the major events that ushered in its influence in how this movement developed in America.  Here in the US, the term transcendentalism was adopted to designate this movement, and the name Ralph Waldo Emerson will become prominent in that story.



[1] Allen C. Guelzo, The American Mind, Part II – a transcript book – (Chantilly, VA:  The Teaching Company/The Great Courses, 2005), 21.

[2] Ibid., 24.

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