A Crucial Element of Democracy

This is a blog by Robert Gutierrez ...
While often taken for granted, civics education plays a crucial role in a democracy like ours. This Blog is dedicated to enticing its readers into taking an active role in the formulation of the civics curriculum found in their local schools. In order to do this, the Blog is offering a newer way to look at civics education, a newer construct - liberated federalism or federation theory. Daniel Elazar defines federalism as "the mode of political organization that unites separate polities within an overarching political system by distributing power among general and constituent governments in a manner designed to protect the existence and authority of both." It depends on its citizens acting in certain ways which Elazar calls federalism's processes. Federation theory, as applied to civics curriculum, has a set of aims. They are:
*Teach a view of government as a supra federated institution of society in which collective interests of the commonwealth are protected and advanced.
*Teach the philosophical basis of government's role as guardian of the grand partnership of citizens at both levels of individuals and associations of political and social intercourse.
*Convey the need of government to engender levels of support promoting a general sense of obligation and duty toward agreed upon goals and processes aimed at advancing the common betterment.
*Establish and justify a political morality which includes a process to assess whether that morality meets the needs of changing times while holding true to federalist values.
*Emphasize the integrity of the individual both in terms of liberty and equity in which each citizen is a member of a compacted arrangement and whose role is legally, politically, and socially congruent with the spirit of the Bill of Rights.
*Find a balance between a respect for national expertise and an encouragement of local, unsophisticated participation in policy decision-making and implementation.
Your input, as to the content of this Blog, is encouraged through this Blog directly or the Blog's email address: gravitascivics@gmail.com .
NOTE: This blog has led to the publication of a book. The title of that book is TOWARD A FEDERATED NATION: IMPLEMENTING NATIONAL CIVICS STANDARDS and it is available through Amazon in both ebook and paperback versions.

Tuesday, July 25, 2017

REVIEW STATEMENT, AN UPDATE

This blog has reported that current efforts in civics education have been deficient.  This has been reflected by un-civic characteristics of the American public and are evidenced by several problematic indicators.  They include:
·        insufficient levels of government and political knowledge,
·        low levels of political engagement and low levels of political skills,
·        among those who are engaged, high indulgence in what is called extreme politics,
·        low disposition to be engaged,
·        low levels of civility,
·        and high levels of criminal behavior as compared to other nations or to other times in the nation’s history. 
While civics instruction is not the cause of these problems, this writer believes it has been an enabling force. 
In terms of these problems, the blog attributes an enabling functional role to the dominance of the natural rights construct in the choosing of civics educational content.  The natural rights view of governance and politics, which became prominent after World War II, has encouraged a very self-centered view of citizenship.  It has diminished the more communal view, traditional federalism, that was dominant up till that post war period. 
Previous postings have provided a historical account on the origins and manifestations of the natural rights perspective which dates all the way back to the time of the writing of the US Constitution.  It goes on to describe and explain how this view has grown in influence and has in more recent years affected what has been taught in the nation’s civics classrooms.  This has been in terms of both content and instructional processes.
The blog also described and explained the role traditional federalism played by describing its historical importance in the nation’s development.  In so doing, the blog points out that that construct offers those basic ideas and values that serve as a foundation for what is being proposed by this blog – a liberated federalism construct. 
Finally, the blog describes this favored and proposed construct.  It does this by presenting a federalist moral code and a review of a federalist political model.  That presentation proceeds to explain how the model is “activated” by reviewing an area of concern that accounts for most political challenges a federalist approach would address. 
That area of concern is those set of challenges that are a product of inequality as defined by a federalist designation of two forms of equality:  baseline equality and equality of treatment.  This latter form is also known as regulated condition. 
What remains is to take a practical turn in which the blog will demonstrate how the model and its accompany moral code can be used to develop a unit of study.  For the demonstration, this author chooses the issue of foreign trade and its effect on employment opportunities in the US.  This is timely as it was a determining concern in how the presidential election of 2016 turned out. 
Starting with the next posting, the blog will begin by reviewing and developing the social, theoretical view of the issue area in question.  This will incorporate those aspects of federation theory related to the issue area and a more substantive reporting of what constitutes the known aspects of this issue.  For the latter concern, this blog will rely on a recently published work dedicated to this issue:  Failure to Adjust:  How Americans Got Left Behind in the Global Economy by Edward Alden.
If this writer were to develop this unit for his own teaching effort, he would use this source, but would look at other sources as well.  Since this current effort is for demonstration purposes, this will be the sole source.  He will take the information provided by this source and match it up against the concerns that federation theory emphasizes.
After this initial analysis is complete, he will follow the rough material development process outlined by Ralph Tyler[1] which consists of identifying instructional objectives, develop learning experiences, organize learning experiences, evaluate student performance and instructional objectives.  These steps will be loosely followed to explain how the plan is developed.  This will begin with the next posting.



[1] Ralph W. Tyler, Basic Principles of Curriculum and Instruction (Chicago, IL:  University of Chicago Press, 1969/1949).

Friday, July 21, 2017

SOCIAL IMPLICATION OF REGULATED CONDITION

This posting is a continuation of the previous posting.  If the reader missed the last posting, he/she is encouraged to click on to it and get the context of this posting.  Overall, this and the previous entry looks at regulated condition, a form of equality.  The purpose is to see how a liberated federalist model is “activated” and depict how an association, particularly a government, meets a political challenge.
Social Implication – A commonwealth is faced with a double-edged sword.  On the one hand, the inevitable ranking of individuals leads to an uneven distribution of material values.  Such a reality, though, threatens the level of moral equality in the commonwealth – especially if the unevenness is extreme or functions to prohibit others from such advantages. 
Ranking is not only pervasive among societies of all kinds – even among those who set out to abolish such rankings – but it is also readily justified within those societies either directly or through some rationalization.  Calls to end all uneven distributions are unrealistic and attempts will cause unacceptable costs to other values.[1] 
In other words, policies that seek equal results, as is called for by critical theory, would be too costly in terms, not only in funding any resulting programs that seeks to accomplish such equality, but also in other ways as well.  History shows that attempts to even out distributions act to squelch the motivation of those who would otherwise engage in hard, creative work which results in advanced technological and other production oriented activities. 
Selznick points out that the experiences of collectivist societies which have made such attempts to end all uneven distributions have failed miserably due to talent flight or disengagement.  This seems to indicate that such motivation would be squelched.[2]
The key to resolving the tension between equal results and regulated condition is the classic liberal call for equal opportunity.  Selznick describes this value:
No one should be hampered, no door should be closed to anyone, because of a prejudice against that person’s social origins.  Whatever opportunities exist should be open to all without regard to social class or (as later extended) to race, creed, ethnicity, or gender.  Thus equality of opportunity has the limited objective of overcoming prejudice while maintaining the legitimacy of differential rewards.[3]
In short, the focus is on ending any caste elements within the commonwealth.  Affirmative action – proactive government policy that aims at eliminating arbitrary inequality – under a value of moral equality, is limited to certain activities.  They are:
·        identifying and providing appropriate training to those victimized by discrimination;
·        helping members of a discriminated group, or, if efforts are made to assist such victims, demanding evidence that public or private agencies providing such assistance have done so in good faith and have exerted a meaningful effort to rectify past incidents of discrimination by showing actual accomplishments toward those ends that advance federalist equality.
What about those who have not been discriminated against but find themselves unequally treated due to their lack of success in securing financial or material resources?  Selznick calls for helpful efforts be extended to them also because by doing so it would upgrade the group – the collective.  That is, the whole commonwealth is negatively affected by the reality associated with persistent poverty.
Public agencies, such as schools, should provide resources to poorer members of the commonwealth to encourage recipients to be able to compete for the limited material values.  This aim encompasses two ends:  directed assistance to provide the basic requirements of life (food, shelter, etc.) and access to the educational resources that are available to improve the competitive status of the disadvantaged.
The commonwealth would be based on the meritocracy that allows those who produce or have good fortune to benefit from their efforts or luck, but it dismisses as illegitimate the ideal that holds that “winners” are inherently superior.  Inequalities in such a value system – one based on merit – are tolerated because to eliminate them would be costly and impractical and would be disruptive and counterproductive to the general creation of wealth in terms of material and other assets.
Chronic inequality that renders segments of the citizenry to poverty ultimately works to the disinterest of all, including not only the disadvantaged and the discriminated, but the advantaged as well.  Therefore, the moral equality that is sought is based on a reciprocal advantage, not on sympathy, pity, or benevolence.  Under such a system, all should support such “helping” policy because, given an unfortunate turn of events, anyone in the commonwealth could be at the bottom.
This reciprocal relationship among citizens calls on a meaningful reality that, one, allows an opportunity to improve one’s position significantly, and, two, sets up a cooperative mode of social interaction.  It allows for rational decision-making, maximizing one’s benefits and minimizing one’s costs, but is more encompassing than the marginal analysis of the systems approach (which was described earlier in this blog as an element of the natural rights construct).
Selznick writes that this reciprocal relationship considers the potential and often real disruption that the lack of respect and dignity can cause in the social square or arena and the possibility that anyone or anyone’s loved ones can find themselves in desperate and deprived conditions.  The reciprocal relationship of the arrangement has strong support within its logic for a fraternal ethos upon which community can build and a meaningful commonwealth can be maintained.[4]
But there exists under this logic the temptation to see all inequalities as counter to moral equality.  One needs to be clear on the functions of inequality:
Historically there have been four main justifications for inequalities as contributing to the common good.  It has been claimed that inequalities are essential for: (1) effective organization for prosperity, education, public safety, and similar social goals; (2) achievement of excellence and high standards, especially in the realm of “high culture”; (3) protection of freedom, including the freedom to become unequal in possessions and personal attainments; and (4) commitment to ascriptive unities, especially family membership, which depend on recognition of special benefits and privileges.  None of these objectives can justify unlimited or unrestrained inequality.[5]
To summarize: some level of inequality is both practical and moral; i.e., a moral commonwealth should support an elitist element within its midst.  The elites, who are committed to democratic and republican ideals, are those the commonwealth depends upon to lead the pursuit of a moral society under those ideals.
Included in this ideal is the goal of establishing a community in which the elites and non-elites can live in a cooperative venture.  In short, that cooperative effort is to seek equality that restrains arbitrary power, encourages democratic participation, and promotes effective economic opportunity.
An Equality Aim, A Further Implication – This account of federation theory is about what should be taught in civics classrooms, not about constitutional dicta suitable for courtroom argument.  The writer knows his place.  In terms of law, in his humble opinion, the natural rights' manner of defining individual rights is about right; that is, while some things should be changed, even in the direction of federalist thought, by and large a system of laws that supports a more individualistic take on our rights should be sustained.
Legally, one should be able to define basic values and those courses of action one feels are best for his/her individually defined goals.  But such a legal system does not preclude the nation from holding “higher” aspirations for its citizens.  And “higher” is in terms of sustaining the health of the commonwealth.  But, just as those among the citizenry who wish everyone to be religiously moral, few would impose the power of government to enforce such an agenda. 
One can say the same for a law-enforced federalist “theocracy.”  The call is not to jam federalism down anyone’s throat, but for everyone to become aware of its noble history in the development of this nation (including its government and economic system) and its enticing promises to encourage and enable a more communal democracy. 
And that ends this account of how federation theory views government and politics.  What remains is a review of how its adherents would see how its adoption would advance the common good through actual classroom application.  That is the topic that will conclude this presentation of the federation theory construct along with a summary of the blog’s argument to this point.  It will do this by outlining a set of lesson plans that can serve as an example of how federation theory can be implemented.



[1] Philip Selznick, The Moral Commonwealth:  Social Theory and the Promise of Community.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Ibid., 492.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid., 499.

Tuesday, July 18, 2017

REGULATED CONDITION

This blog is currently describing and explaining two forms of equality.  It is doing this to point out how a liberated federalist model is “activated.”  The liberated federalist model is a representation of how federation theory views idealistic governance and politics.  This model has three components:  community, entity, and association and the reader can check out the last eight postings of this blog for a description of these components and how they become activated.
In terms of this posting, the context is that this model focuses on ideal politics as an association, a federalist collective of entities, engages to respond to a political challenge.  As such, it is event specific; that is, it draws classroom study to analyze how idealistically an association should deal with a political challenge and, through that view, see what actually happens.
Since a political challenge, especially if the association is a government, is highly likely to be over an issue relating to equality, the current effort in this blog is to describe what that entails.  To do that, a clear presentation of what equality means is essential, not only in terms of its overall meaning, but how it is defined in its two forms:  baseline equality and equality of treatment. 
          Since no area of concern is more apt to activate the model than an issue concerning equality, this more extended treatment is called for.  Therefore, this blog has defined equality, a la federalist values, shared its importance, and provided a view of its related social implication.  It did the same for one of its forms, baseline equality.  
In this posting, it will build on its description of equality and proceed to explain its other form:  equality of treatment or regulated equality.  Specifically, it will report on the definition of regulated equality and comment on its importance.  The next posting will look at its social implication.
Definition – To get at what equality of treatment means, one cannot just plunge into a definition.  One needs to revisit baseline equality or equal treatment.  Even after defining baseline equality, it is helpful to place some parameters on equality no matter what economic or political arrangement exists.  Even though, on its face, there is the simple notion that equal treatment means everyone is treated the same, one cannot avoid asking:  is this possible?
With further thought, one is faced with the realization that there are some situations in which even just societies tolerate and enforce inequality or unequal treatment.  Upon reflection, one can readily see and understand these situations.  This can be simply demonstrated by looking at two types of such situations.
The first situation is demonstrated by a simple example that makes the point that there are times that demand unequal treatment.  To wit, the law doesn’t allow blind people to drive automobiles.  Perhaps technology in the future will find a cure for blindness or invent cars that can be “driven” automatically without the need of a sighted driver.  According to news accounts, this latter possibility is right around the corner.  But to date, such solutions do not exist and, therefore, this type of inequality remains. 
There is also the case of unequal treatment that is enforced because a sought-after product or service is too expensive for some.  This is a type of inequality, but one can legitimize it in that any good or service is limited – scarce – and needs to be rationed by some method.  The pricing system is a form of rationing.  It is easily supported by a capitalist rationale.  The central point is, as these two types of situation point out, one cannot have total equality.
So, even in a system of laws and customs that adopt solely an equal treatment approach to equality, there cannot be total equality.  With that in mind, this account returns to an earlier claim.  In describing baseline equality, it made the connection between equality and liberty. 
Liberty, under federation theory, is about having those rights to do what one should do, at least in the ideal.  What needs clarification, regarding this form of liberty, is by what standard one judges whether something should be done or should not be done.  Such an inquiry will assist at defining regulated condition.
It was pointed out in the last posting that this determination of what should be done can be complex.  Since one can eliminate the possibility of pure equality, everyone treated the same in all conditions, one already has a sense that distinctions need to be made in how equality is established and maintained.
With that in mind, it is useful to inquire as to what restrictions to pure equality exists under a federalist view.  This blog has presented a federalist moral code.  The trump value of that code is societal welfare.  In other words, what a citizen should do or should not do are those actions that when done or not done bolster the welfare of a society – at least according to federalist values. 
Putting this idea in less idealistic language, generally, what people should do is to align their self-interests in such a way as to not go against – abuse – the common good.  Ideally, what is valued most is for an entity to advance the common good, but at a minimum, the federalist, moral standard is to not abuse it.  In extreme cases, this can be backed with law, but in most cases, social expectations – norms – can secure general adherence. 
How is equality related to this common good?  In terms of regulated condition, it adds to what was pointed out in the last posting to be missing from the baseline form of equality.  That is the concern for dignity and integrity of each member of society.  This is a nuanced difference between regulated condition and equal condition.  To help describe this distinction, conveying a telling story is helpful.
Imagine a father with two sons.  The sons have both been stricken with a serious disease.  In the case of one son, the disease is potentially fatal; in the case of the other, it causes a high degree of discomfort.  The father has medication, but only enough for one dosage.
This dosage is enough to cure the disease, but the entire dosage must be administered for the medication to be effective.  The father cannot get any more of the medication.  To which son does the father give the medicine?  How does he make this difficult decision?
Both sons are equally loved and equal in the eyes of the father – he wishes he had the disease instead of either of his sons.  But even if he did care for one more, does that make a difference?  Does he flip a coin?  Does he have the sons race for the medicine and whoever gets to it first gets the dosage?  Or does he raid each of his son’s piggy banks and whoever has more money wins?  Or finally, does he tally how well behaved each son has been and determines which son has merited the medication?
Of course, he doesn’t do any of these things; he gives the medicine to the one whose life is in jeopardy and thanks whatever power that both sons are not fatally threatened.  This solution reflects the thinking and feeling of regulated condition or equality of treatment.  Yes, both sons are not treated equally in the strictest form, but both are treated equally in terms of some normative standard.
If the conditions were reversed, the other son would get the medication.  As it is, as a price for this form of equality, the discomforted son will just have to continue being discomforted.  But both sons, in this short anecdote are given equal consideration regarding resources, assets, and other entitlements along with being treated with integrity, dignity, and respect. 
This then is the definition of equality of treatment or regulated equality:  It is a treatment of each entity in which the person or group possesses a baseline equality (integrity, respect, and dignity) and the right to equal consideration, considering the entity’s needs, in the distribution of resources or other entitlements.  This mirrors the previous definition for equality given earlier in this blog and based on federalist values and, in turn, federation theory.
Importance -  A desire for equality in general, especially if it is emotionally felt, leads to the aspiration for creating a commonwealth in which all its members can enjoy equally a “regulated condition” form of equality.  When held by a society, regulated condition is categorized as a fundamental right; equal condition (equal treatment), on the other hand, is a derivative right.
Regulated condition is based on an equal evaluation of everyone’s welfare.  In pursuing this essential right, to the extent it exists, dissimilar treatment for people in different categories can be condoned and even seen a reasonable and necessary.  One doesn’t allow blind people to drive because in holding everyone’s welfare equally, the practical realities call for dissimilar treatment.  Dissimilar treatment, though, must be justified.
The need for justification is particularly demanded when, due to some historical developments, arbitrary categories were – and might still be – established and maintained for determining a difference in treatment.  Here the inequality was not based on equal consideration of human dignity, but on its opposite.  That is, the inequality was to promote the interests of some groups above others or to advance some misguided belief in genetic elitism.
In those cases, historical events or conditions established some grounds in which circumstances show that a level of disrespect to the dignity and welfare of certain groups existed (and they might continue to exist today).  In our history, the most obvious example is that of slavery and the treatment of African-Americans.  Also, a group treated in similar fashion is the indigenous people.  Hence, we have immoral inequality in terms of these two groups and others.
“The objective is fairness based on moral equality, not consistency for its own sake”[1] – and meeting this objective as an instance of regulated condition or equality of treatment is a federalist aim.  In other words, government should treat people differently if to do so would be to respect and advance the ideal that everyone has intrinsic worth.  And this is where the above referred distinction between simple baseline equality and equality of treatment is felt and observed.
Such a case would, in the name of equality, call for providing assistance to someone who has been subjected to unequal opportunity as is the goal with affirmative action.
This can meaningfully give substance to a moral equality standard; i.e., give treatment to people as equals, but within the parameters of a federalist moral code.  And this can mean dissimilar treatment.  Selznick argues that this dissimilar treatment is not meant to downgrade people, but to raise them to create a community in which all are ideally well-born to some reasonable, minimal level.[2]
A study of government in the nation’s schools should include inquiry and debate about the connection between the social equality that either exists or doesn't exist in fact and the moral equality which is advocated by this element of the liberated federalist model.  In addition, inquiry should be extended to ask what this element of moral equality would promote or prohibit as policy in either the public or private sectors of the commonwealth.
What remains in describing regulated condition is the social implication of this form.  That will be the topic of the next posting.



[1] Philip Selznick, The Moral Commonwealth:  Social Theory and the Promise of Community, 491.

[2] Ibid.

Friday, July 14, 2017

BASELINE EQUALITY

The context of this posting was adequately given in the first few paragraphs of the last posting.  To repeat that description, here is how that posting began:
The last series of postings presented, described, and explained the components of a liberated federalism model.  The components are the community, the entities, and the association.  This is an idealistic model – how governance and politics should take place – and its normative quality is defined by federalist values.  Those values revolve around the concern for societal welfare.  Its function is to help guide civics educators in their choice of instructional content.
What remains in this presentation of the model is to comment on how it is “activated.”  The model focuses on an event, when a polity is confronted with a political challenge.  What this and the following postings will address is the substantive issues that usually pose the political challenges an association is likely to encounter, especially when the association is a government.
After that introduction, the posting went on to describe how federation theory views equality.  It offered the following definition for equality:  a belief that despite inequality in personal attributes, such as talent and other resources, each person is entitled to equal consideration of his/her well-being, that all have an equal right to maintain their dignity and integrity as individual persons.  As such, equality has a normative quality since it reflects a respect for being human beyond the biological aspects.[1]
The posting goes on to state that equality, as an element of federation theory, has two forms:  baseline equality and equality of treatment.  The purpose of this posting is to provide a definition for the first of these forms, to make a statement as to its importance, and to indicate the social implications baseline equality form has.
Definition – Baseline equality relates to liberty.  Oftentimes, equality and liberty are presented as opposing ideals, but as federation theory defines them, equality is related and gives context to liberty.  In terms of baseline equality, this aspect refers to the minimal level of equality to which each person is entitled.  This aspect is constitutionally defined.  In relation to this is the jurisprudential development of the Fourteenth Amendment regarding its provision of equal protection[2] and to some degree, due process provisions is relevant.
Importance – This notion of equality adds to the value of liberty.  Its addition is limited to the notion that liberty need not be fixated on the concept of the individual sovereignty.  As noted earlier in this blog, individual sovereignty is the way the natural rights construct defines liberty.  Federation theory instead links liberty to a certain reality, one that is based on the observation that we are all mutually dependent on a communal existence. 
Natural rights’ definition of liberty invites individuals to adopt any value orientation, be it based on religious beliefs, communal concerns, or self-interest; individuals are free in law and expectations to choose whatever basis to determine how they will define their lives, especially in terms of moral commitments.  Hence, that construct sees the individual as sovereign.
Many, if not most, people use a basis of short term self-interest to make these life-defining decisions.  This leaves the interests of the community wanting, which hurts the health of the commonwealth and in the long run the interests of the individual.  This is not a logical result of individual sovereignty, but it is the actual result one can readily see in societies that adopt the natural rights perspective as the dominant view of governance and politics.
Social Implication – Under natural rights’ view of liberty, such a result is determined to be just the way things happen to be.  Perhaps there is a degree of regret, but it is believed among its adherents to just be the price one pays for liberty.  And that view leads to policy biases that shy away from communal based policies; these more socially oriented policy choices are judged as intrusive to individual prerogatives.
Federation theory uses another basis, a more communal perspective.  One might ask:  is it a collectivist perspective or a socialistic view?  Selznick writes concerning the effects of historical actions in relation to the rights of the individual and the interests of the commonwealth:
The constitutional doctrine of equal protection does not ignore or erase differences of talent, achievement, contribution, or good fortune.  It is not a device for leveling gradations or for making society more homogeneous.  It is, however, a path to community.  Equal protection speaks above all to membership, and membership presumes that all who belong share a core identity.  This identity is wholly compatible with rich diversity so long as that diversity does not undermine equality of membership.  The most serious threat to such equality is division based on moral stigma.  Whatever its source, whether it be a certain racial or ethnic origin or level of native intelligence, the effect of moral stigma is to rank some people as intrinsically less worthy than others.  Vindication of moral equality, in the face of strong impulses toward moral hierarchy, is the primary mission of equal protection of the law.[3] (Emphasis in the original)
With such a view of equality, the individual is free – he or she has liberty – to do what he or she should do.
And when one considers what one should do, one introduces a moral approach at least in terms of civic affairs.  Within a community, the expectation is created that all members can fully participate or else there can be no meaningful commonwealth.  Self-interest is not forgotten, but it is tempered with a realization of a communal reality of mutual interests that does make itself felt if only eventually.
This view is counter to the individual sovereignty view espoused by the natural rights construct.  A distinction should be made between those self-interests based behaviors that offends contractual arrangements (an agreed exchange of something for something else) and those that offend understandings within a compact arrangement (an agreement based on a solemn pledge to create and/or advance a collective, an association). 
Many see the former view leading to the behaviors causing the 2008 financial crisis.  Those actions were moral and legal under a natural rights view, they did not offend contractual obligations; but they did offend the federalist provisions of mutual interests and acted against the common good for short-term profit.
Selznick continues that there is not just an expectation of being protected against abuses of power, but equality includes a whole range of duties and rights attached to membership.  While these rights and duties might be bound by limited resources and options – an individual might not possess those levels of assets that others have – they are what make membership meaningful.[4] 
That is, the level of duties and rights are affected by the amount of assets and resources a person has at his/her disposal.  Generally, the more someone benefits, the more his/her duty is.  Rights for the advantaged citizen might be further restrained by being subject to certain policies such as a progressive tax rate.[5]
In terms of federation theory, this notion of liberty needs to be fleshed out.  For one thing, in everyday life, one would not be able to distinguish it from the natural rights view of liberty.  In most cases, one is not talking about a sort of liberty that deprives a person from making life-defining decisions or from enjoying the added entitlements a higher income or wealth level can afford. 
What is being promoted is a public expectation that first takes seriously what can reasonably be demanded from citizens.  This public sphere also provides a language that can be utilized to legitimately evaluate how effectively citizens meet the obligations and duties of being citizens.  And this evaluation considers the various benefits citizens can secure.
A rule of thumb that apply to this sense of liberty is to simply state that everyone can pursue his/her self-interest if a person does not define those interests in such a way as to counter the common good.  Admittedly, at times that might call for significant reflection.  Why? Because often such judgements are difficult and complex.
They are often not even a function of law, but of social norms and other expectations.  For example, many of the super-rich today have chosen to bequeath their fortunes to charitable efforts after their deaths.  Should this be a federated expectation?  It is a legitimate question to ask under the tenets of federation theory.
The next posting will address the second form of a federated equality, equality of treatment or what this account prefers to call regulated condition.



[1] The reader is invited to check out the previous posting (July 11, 2017 entry).

[2] Mark V. Tushnet, “Equal Protection,” in The Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court, ed. Kermit L. Hall (New York NY:  Oxford University Press, 1992), 257-259.

[3] Philip Selznick, The Moral Commonwealth:  Social Theory and the Promise of Community, 489.

[4] Ibid.

[5] As the nation has become more ensconced in a natural rights perspective, calls for a flat tax have become more strident.

Tuesday, July 11, 2017

FEDERALIST EQUALITY

The last series of postings presented, described, and explained the components of a liberated federalism model.  The components are the community, the entities, and the association.  This is an idealistic model – how governance and politics should take place – and its normative quality is defined by federalist values.  Those values revolve around the concern for societal welfare.  Its function is to help guide civics educators in their choice of instructional content.
What remains in this presentation of the model is to comment on how it is “activated.”  The model focuses on an event, when a polity is confronted with a political challenge.  What this and the following postings will address is the substantive issues that usually pose the political challenges an association is likely to encounter, especially when the association is a government.
This model was initially deemed to be a synthesis mostly between the constructs of the natural rights perspective (with its cherished regard of liberty) and the critical theory construct (with its regard for equality).  Both liberty and equality are highly regarded values in the federation theory values structure.  In both cases these values are defined differently by federation theory.  Previously, this blog distinguished how liberty is defined by federation theory – as the freedom to do what one should do.
With this posting, this account presents what equality means to federation theory.  The theory agrees with critical theory that more political challenges emanate from concerns over equality issues than from other issues.  Even issues that on the surface seem unrelated to equality, upon a closer analysis, can be traced to an equality concern.  For example, issues regarding the environment.
Much of the abuse of the environment stems from vested interests being allowed to follow policy streams that do damage to the environment.  Such is the case with pollution being the by-product of manufacturing, mining, and other business activities that enhance profits.  Equality issues are issues that relate to either uneven distribution of societal assets based on economic activity or other bases for unequal treatment such as racism, sexism, ageism, or on prejudices stemming from sexual preferences. 
What follows is a review of how the construct views equality.  Federation theory has a definite position concerning this issue.  This is an account of how the construct defines it, how it sees its importance, and how it determines its social implications.  This posting addresses the first of these concerns; following postings will look at the other two concerns.
Definition – Equality, according to federation theory, refers to the belief that despite inequality in talent, wealth, health or other assets, the entailed value calls for equal consideration of all persons’ well-being, that all have an equal right to maintain their dignity and integrity as individual persons.  As such, equality has a normative quality since it reflects a respect for being human beyond the biological aspects.
Philip Selznick quotes Bernard Williams on this point:
That all men [and women] are human is, if a tautology, a useful one, serving as a reminder that those who belong anatomically to the species homo sapiens, and can speak a language, use tools, live in societies, can interbreed despite racial differences, etc. are also alike in certain other respects more likely to be forgotten.  These respects are notably the capacity to feel pain, both from immediate physical causes and from various situations represented in perception and thought; and the capacity to feel affection for others and the consequences of this …[1]
Factually, Selznick points out, the judgment is made from the behaviors of humans, that homo sapiens are equal in their ability to make moral choices.  There exists no elitist standing in this regard; each is humbled by this leveling attribute; each is subject to moral indiscretions; each can realize fully his or her own capacities as a person.[2] 
These attributes, assuming the person in question is of normal mental capacity, are what lead to meaningful self-respect and a sense of empathy that allows each to reach out to others.[3]  In terms of the formulation of the compact that initiates the existence of a federalist arrangement, be it a community, an association, or a government, the fact that all entities can equally consent to its creation, does allow for them to be federated.[4]
Importance – In this newer version of federalism, equality takes on two forms:  baseline equality and equality of treatment or what this writer calls regulated condition.  Equality, as identified in one of its basic national covenants – the Declaration of Independence – is a requisite to any resulting covenant or compact including any subsequent constitutional agreement.[5]  This is so because equality has a strong moral component in both religious and secular thinking and its absence has proven highly deleterious to social relations.
If nothing else, experience has shown the evil that follows its disregard, particularly in relation to ensuing travesties to human dignity and to the conceptions of personhood.  Please note that with federation theory, equality and individualism take on mutually supportive functions.  This relationship will become more meaningful as baseline equality is reviewed in the next posting.
More ambitiously, equality acts to encourage a collective to make decisions from an idealistic frame of mind, to formulate reflected and felt policy, including its constitution.  That is, the people committed to a covenant or compact are strongly encouraged and enabled to formulate a constitutional model that reflects deeply held cultural proclivities.  While a federated union does not insist on a singular cultural basis for all social interactions, it does depend on a cultural foundation of support for its basic constitutional values.[6]
Remember, at the constitution forming stage, a people are coming together to form a union from a basis of consent, not coercion or tradition.  And beyond the formulation of a constitution for governance, the same sense and value motivate the creation and maintenance of a commonwealth or society (the community) in question.[7]  That is these constitutional values have a wide berth within the polity.
What is being promoted is more an ideal than a legalistic concept.  Yes, there are legal aspects to this as in “rights to human dignity,” but part of the problem with the natural rights perspective is to reduce all political ideas to contractual ones.  It loses the more generalizable relations and emotions that are unavoidable in political relationships.
When applied to civics, a contractual view of the subject matter becomes sterile and unapproachable.  As one reads about baseline equality and regulated condition, what is being described is not so much mandatory relations, but idealistic ones that can organically form if citizens begin to see each other as partners in a commonwealth.
Equality fulfills a central function within the overall conceptual structure of federation theory.  By moral equality, Selznick postulates the principle that all persons have the same intrinsic worth by identifying two levels of this attribute:  baseline equality and regulated condition.[8]  As noted earlier in this account, within this construct, equality is a means by which a community can be formulated using a federal organizational form.
Equality provides a “path to community” in which the members of a formulated union are held to be equal in certain important aspects:  moral decision-making, dignity, participation, and consent.  These qualities are not contractual, they are constitutional; they constitute the nature of the entity.
This blog has presented five different views regarding equality that have been held by Americans.  These five views are genetic elitism, earned elitism, equal condition, regulated condition, and equal results.  This set of views is important, it is a context the nation’s history has provided and should be kept in mind since all of them have adherents in the nation’s current political mix.  None of them have been forgotten.
Federation theory incorporates a regulated condition (equal opportunity/limited reward) view of equality or what Selznick calls equality of treatment.  Here is a description of this view that can also serve as a definition for a regulated condition: 
Individuals who enjoy superior human assets (e.g., intelligence, physical dexterity, humor, etc.) do so because of effort for the most part, but also are “blessed” in having been exposed to favorable conditions – a la the concerns expressed by philosopher John Rawls.[9]  Their superiority entitles them to above normal consideration, but limited only to areas associated with their earned accomplishments.  This view can be summarized by the phrase, equal opportunity/limited rewards.
Any entitlements (rewards) are time limited as a recipient must continue to demonstrate his or her worthiness and said rewards, other than status, must be purchased.  Monetary rewards – compensation or other forms of income – are paid in exchange for the individual’s labor and are calculated by reasonable standards to represent that labor’s contribution to the welfare of the society.
Reward relies generally on market forces but can be manipulated (regulated) to reflect what is deemed as the accrued social contribution by the individual and other societal needs.  This regulation is carried out through mostly taxes or minimum wage provisions.  This orientation allows the individual to negotiate his compensation, but this process is regulated in some fashion – either by law, by custom, or some other expectations which are broadly accepted as being legitimate. 
As stated above, this orientation of equality holds that some individuals enjoy superior human assets due to their efforts but only in part.  It takes on the arguments of Rawls – especially the notion that individual assets are to a great degree the product of factors beyond the control or responsibility of the individual.[10] 
By doing so, the role of community is highlighted and nurturing forces are recognized as having a significant effect on what a person can accomplish.  Notice that there is no ascribing worth or higher or lower status due to race, nationality, ethnicity, age, gender, or sexual orientation. 
Also, any special considerations, based on income or class, are purchased in an open, albeit regulated, market arrangement.  There are two forms of this equality:  baseline equality and regulated condition.  These will be described and explained in the next postings.




[1] Philip Selznick, The Moral Commonwealth:  Social Theory and the Promise of Community, (Berkeley, CA:  University of California Press, 1992), 483-484.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Donald S. Lutz, The Origins of American Constitutionalism (Baton Rouge, LA:  Louisiana State University Press, 1988).

[5] Ibid.

[6] Robert Gutierrez, “A Case for Centered Pluralism,” Curriculum and Teaching Dialogue 5, no. 1 (2003):  71-82.

[7] Phillip Selznick, The Moral Commonwealth:  Social Theory and the Promise of Community.

[8] Ibid.
[9] Chandran Kukathas and Philip Pettit, Rawls:  A Theory of Justice and Its Critics (Stanford, CA:  Stanford University Press, 1990).

[10] Ibid.